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ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ፣ ኣብ ከረን፣ ኣብ ቤተክርስትያን እንዳማርያም ንዓሰርተታት ዓመታት ተቐቢሩ ዝጸንሐ ሬሳታት ተፋሒሩ ክወጽእ ንስድራቤታት መወቲ ትእዛዝ ብምትሕልላፉ ህዝቢ ከተማ ከረን በቲ ኢሰብኣዊ ተግባር ተቖጢዑ ነቲ ስርዓት ይረግም ምህላዉ ምንጭታት ኣሰና ሓቢሮም።

Graves_1

ኢሰብኣዊ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ፣ ኣብ ከረን፣ ቃጼታይ ኣብ ዝተባህለ ቦታ ተደኵኑ ኣብ ዝርከብ ተዋህዶ ቤተክርስትያን እንዳማርያም ንዓሰርተታት ዓመታት ተቐቢሩ ንዝጸንሐ ሬሳታት ከይተረፈ ፍሒሮም ብምውጻእ ኣብ ካልእ ቦታ ክቐብሩዎ ንቤተሰብ መወቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ብመንገዲ ምምሕዳር ከተማ ትእዛዝ ድሕሪ ምትሕልላፉ፣ ህዝቢ ከተማ ከረን በቲ ኣጸያፊ ኢሰብኣዊ ስጉምቲ ናይቲ ስርዓት ተቖጥዑ፣ ‘ሎምስ ከኣ ምስ ሬሳታት ዝብኣስ ስርዓት ረኺብና’ እናበለ ይራገም ምህላዉ ምንጭታት ኣሰና ሓቢሮም።

እቲ ስርዓት፣ “እቲ ቦታ የድልየና ኣሎ” ካብ ምባል ሓሊፉ ዝኾነ መግለጺ ከይሃበ፣ ነቲ ትእዛዝ ኣብ ልዕሊ ቤተሰብ መወትን መእመናን ነቲ ስጉምቲ ምስግዳዱ ዘሰንበዶን ዘሕዘኖን ህዝቢ “እንታይ መዓቱ ወረደና፣!” ኢሉ ክምህልል ከምዝቐነየ ‘ውን እቶም ምንጭታት ኣገንዚቦም።

ብመሰረት’ቲ ሓበሬታ፣ ገሊኦም ቤተሰብ ገጾም ናይ ዘይፈልጡዎም ኣባሓጎታቶም መቓብር ከውጽኡ ብምግዳዶም፣ ገሊኦም ከኣ ሬሳ ዝፈትዉዎም ወለዶምን ኣሕዋቶምን ሕልናኦም ኣብ ዘቕስን ስፍራ ክዕቆቡሎም ኣብ ጥሙይ ከብዶም ኣሽሓት ወጻኢታት ብምግባር ብቸሜንቶን ማርሞን ዝሰርሑዎ መቓብር፣ እንደገና ክሳብ 10 ሽሕ ናቕፋ ከፊሎም ክፍሕሩዎ ብምእዛዞም፣ ኣብ ካልኣይ ሓዘን ወዲቖም ይነብዑ ከምዘለዉ ተፈሊጡ። ገለ ካብቶም ኣውያቶም ዝሰምዓሎም ዝሰኣኑ ኣብ ወጻኢ ቤተሰብ ዘለዉዎም ስድራቤታት መወቲ መፍሓሪ ሬሳ ገንዘብ ክልምኑ ሸበድበድ ክብሉ ከለዉ፣ እቶም ሓጋዚ ዘይብሎም በተኻት ስድራቤታት ዓቕሎም ጸቢቡዎም ተረቢጾም ከምዘለዉ ኣለዉ።

እቲ ኣብ ሃይማኖታዊ እምነት ኮነ ሰብኣዊ መንነት ኣኽብሮት ዘይብሉ ሕሉፍ ንዕቀት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ኣረሜናዊ ስርዓት፣ ኣብ ወጻኢ ንዝዓረፉ ዜጋታት ነቶም ኣብ ጉዕዞ ስደት ኣብ ላምፐዱዛ ዝተቐዝፉ ኣማኢት መንእሰያት ከይተረፈ ኣብ መሬት ዓደቦኦም ከይቅበሩ ምኽልካሉ ከይኣክል፣ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ንዓመታት ኣብ መቓብር ብሰላም ዓሪፉ ምስ ዝጸንሐ ኣስከሬናት ምዉታን ክብኣስ ምጅማሩ፣ ብዝኾነ መለክዒ ተቐባልነት ዘይብሉ ጽዩፍ ኢሰብኣዊ ተግባር ብምዃኑ ንህዝቢ ከረን ደንጽዩዎን ኣጨኒቑዎን ምህላዉ ዘገርም ኣይኮነን።

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Geoffrey Clarfield: The slaves of Sinai

Camels

Geoffrey Clarfield, National Post | April 14, 2014 | Last Updated: Apr 9 4:10 PM ET

On Monday, April 14, Jews around the world will invite their family and friends to join them for the feast of Passover, a holiday that celebrates the Biblical story of the Israelites, who were enslaved in Egypt under Pharaoh, and who fled from their cruel Egyptian masters across the Sinai desert to gain their freedom in the land of Israel. As celebrants drink wine and eat the unleavened bread that was once prepared in the desert, they sing an ancient song, “We were slaves unto Pharaoh in Egypt, but now we are free.”

As a young anthropologist, I was so enamored by the story of Passover that I spent a year among the nomadic Bedouin Arabs of the Sinai peninsula to get a taste of that ancient wandering way of life that must have been temporarily adopted by the Children of Israel during their sojourn in that “terrible wilderness” on their way to freedom in the Promised Land. One day, to my shock and surprise, I came across a settlement of Africans who told me that they were the descendants of the slaves that the Bedouin used to keep until the British outlawed slavery in the Sinai after the First World War. I got to know them rather well (as one of them was a fine musician). When I asked an elder what slavery was like, he told me, “Horrible. You worked all day, every day and you had no freedom.”

These former slaves were the northernmost expression of a slave trade that was as old as the Islamic conquest of Egypt and the land of Israel in the 7th century AD, and which reached its zenith during the 19th century. When European travellers and adventurers began to explore Ethiopia, the Sudan and Egypt during the 19th century, they described an active Nile valley and Red Sea slave trade dominated by Sudanese and Egyptian Muslim traders, facilitated by Bedouin tribes who still range from the borders of Ethiopia to the Mediterranean Sea. In the traders’ eyes, the ideal slaves were Christian and Pagan Ethiopians who were snatched from their homes in what is now Ethiopia and highland Eritrea.

These slave traders were not 19th century utilitarians. The Red Sea slave trade was characterized by extreme cruelty and deprivation that included, castration, rape, torture, murder and abandonment of the weak in the wilderness. By the 1830s, 10-12,000 of these slaves were traded annually up the Nile and Red Sea coast through the Sudan into Egypt. Although the British eventually made slavery illegal in Egypt and the Sudan during their occupation of these two countries, as late as the 1920s, Sudanese religious and political leaders were petitioning the British to allow them to keep their slaves. Clearly, the practice of slavery in this part of the world had not disappeared.

During the last few years, a new version of this slave trade has re-emerged in the area. The persecutors and the victims are almost the same, but the style of the trade has changed. In some ways it has become even more brutal than its 19th century forerunner. Researchers for the UN, the U.S. government and various NGOs who study this tragedy call it “Sinai trafficking,” a euphemism describing a revived Red Sea slave trade.

Between 2009-2013, it is estimated that 25,000-30,000 people were victims of Sinai trafficking and that they and their relatives overseas have paid ransoms to their Sinai Bedouin captors of at least $622-million. Of those who were kidnapped, anywhere from 25-50% of those captured die in captivity, usually from torture. The majority of the victims are Eritreans and almost all of them are Christians.

In 1993, after many decades of a heroically disciplined resistance struggle that was the envy of all Africans, a newly liberated Eritrea voted to secede from Ethiopia and finally became an independent state, recognized by countries around the world. After a short democratic honeymoon and a pointless border war with Ethiopia, instead of developing their war-torn society, Eritrea’s new leaders have turned the country into a totalitarian nightmare. The constitution has never been implemented, the government has put the head of the Eritrean Orthodox church under house arrest and it has drafted all teenagers into the army for indefinite service. The state then forces them to labour without pay on state farms, like bonded medieval serfs. In today’s Eritrea, arbitrary arrest is common, and thousands languish in prison without legal representation. Citizens do not have an automatic right to a passport and will be shot on sight if they try and cross the border to the Sudan or Ethiopia.

SinaiAnd so, there has arisen a black market that offers to smuggle Eritreans to the Sudan where they can find temporary refuge in UN-run refugee camps. This is where the trouble begins, as the demand to escape Eritrea is huge. The UN estimates that 5,000 people try to leave every month. In revenge, the Eritrean government has been illegally taxing its émigrés in Europe and the West 2% of their annual incomes. In 2013 a high level Eritrean minister fled the country. The government then arrested his 85-year father and 15-year-old daughter in retaliation.

As most Eritreans who want to leave their country cannot get passports, they know that there are corrupt members of the Eritrean Border Surveillance Unit who have close ties with businessman on the Sudanese side of the border. Desperate Eritreans often pay these middlemen up to $3,000 to be smuggled across the border to refugee camps such as Shagarab in the Sudan, with the help of Rashaida Bedouin traffickers who live on both sides of the border. If the refugees are lucky, they languish in camps like Shagarab, where the UN can almost protect them (many are kidnapped by traffickers from within the camp itself).

If they are unlucky, as so many are, they are directly and forcibly transferred to warehouses under armed guard by Rashaida Bedouin tribesmen. They are then smuggled across the Egyptian border with assistance from related Bedouin tribes who sell them on to the Bedouin of the Sinai Peninsula. The involvement of the Bedouin of the Sudan up and into the Sinai is similar in nature to that of 19th century Red Sea slave trade, except that now the transfer of human captives is done by truck on desert roads. If these captive Eritreans have survived thus far, this is where their hell begins.

The Sinai is now a haven for tribally based Al-Qaeda operatives as well as Bedouin smugglers and extortionists, who have a free hand in this revived slave trade. There are about 50 tribally based trafficking gangs working in the Sinai. Once the incoming groups of captive Eritreans are divvied up among the gangs, the poor victims are asked if they have relatives abroad with cellphones. If they do, and most do, then they are asked to call their relatives and arrange for ransoms of up to $50,000 per person which will then be sent to middle men in Egypt, or until recently, extorted from the many thousands of traumatized Eritrean refugees who the Bedouin already tortured and smuggled into Israel, before the Israelis finally tightened their border security with Egypt. In the meantime they wait.

Captives are specifically tortured when they are on the phone with overseas relatives, so that their screams will motivate them to send money to the Bedouin captors

But while they wait, their Sinai Bedouin captors torture them, regularly. Captives are beaten with whips and sticks, often four to five times a day. Men, women and children are regularly beaten with iron bars and hammers, often breaking limbs. Pregnant women are kicked and jumped upon, people are hung upside down for days, electrocuted and burnt, held in chains and assaulted sexually. Children are raped in front of their parents and women in front of their husbands. Young men are also raped. They are given little food and water and suffer from disease. Captives are specifically tortured when they are on the phone with overseas relatives, so that their screams will motivate them to send money to the Bedouin agents through international wire transfers. If a captive has already died, the Bedouin often threaten the deceased’s still captive relatives with even more violence, and so they often receive ransom payments for people that they have already tortured and killed.

Those captives who survive are often held for up to 18 months before they are ransomed and dropped off in Cairo. Having turned a complete blind eye to what their own citizens did to them in Sinai, the Egyptian authorities then arrest them and arrange for their eventual deportation. On one occasion a group of Eritrean captives overpowered their captors, escaped and reported their persecutor’s whereabouts to the Egyptian police in the Sinai. The police jailed the escapees and allowed the torturers to go free. The one Egyptian journalist who reported from the Sinai, Ahmad Abu Draa, was arrested by the government and put in solitary confinement for writing about the slave trade. The Egyptian government has done nothing to stop this new Bedouin slave trade, and deport most of those refugees who make it to Cairo to Ethiopia, which is marginally better than Eritrea, where they can be shot or imprisoned for having left “illegally.”

Many of those who make it to Egypt try and get smuggled to Libya in the hope that they can enter Europe by sea. In Libya they are often captured, put in prison and sometimes tortured. As one survivor pointed out, “There is much to be afraid of given our skin colour and religion … over 400 Eritreans are here, the women held in a separate location. The Muslims of other countries are taken care of, but we Eritreans do not get such an option.”

The Egypt and Sudan are leading members of the Arab League. If the Egyptian government or its military wanted to end Sinai trafficking tomorrow, they could easily seal their border with Sudan and this slave trade would be over in 24 hours. But they are far too busy weaving conspiracy theories about how Israel and the West are responsible for the recent social, political and economic implosion of their own failed state. The UN and the European Union also seem remarkably uninterested in this major human rights disaster unfolding in the southern Mediterranean.

Highland Eritreans are the bearers of an ancient, sophisticated cultural tradition. As they trace their descent from the union of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, they deserve a far better fate than that which now awaits so many of them in the Sinai desert. The Egyptian and Sudanese governments clearly take their cue from Pharaoh.

National Post

Geoffrey Clarfield is an anthropologist at large.

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ማሕታ ትማሊ፡ 8ይ ክፋል።

Mezeker_800-1

ማሕታ ትማሊ፡ 8ይ ክፋል።                                           15-04-14።

ሕሉፍ ዘይፈለጠ መጻኢ የብሉን!

“ኣብ ሓንቲ ጉምቦ ኢድ ክንደይ መትኒ ደም፡ ህዋሳት ስምዒት፡ ጀማምትን ጭዋዳታትን ከምዘሎ ፈላጣት ሕተቱሉ” ኢለ ተፋ ንየኩም ቀንየ። ንስኻትኩም ድማ ግደፍ ክንድኡስ ቅንጣብ ኣካል ክትክንተፍ እንከላ እንታይ ዝኣመሰለ ቃንዛ ከምዘለዋ ተዛቲ ኹሙሉ ኣለኹም። ናይ መቐምረሪ ነገር’ሞ ኣይውረዮን። ኣስዒብኩም’ውን እቲ ዝሓለፈ ቃንዛ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ገና ኣብ ቦታ ኡ ከምዘሎ ኣድሚቕኩሞ ኣለኹም’ሞ ስለ’ቲ ኑሱ ከምእዋናውነቱ ከዛርበና ከምዝደረኸ ተረዳዲእና ኣለና። ብዛዕባ ‘እዋናውነ ት’ ዝመጸ’ውን እንታይ ማለትና ምዃኑ ቁሩብ እንተኸለስናዮ ኣይሓይሽን ትብሉ?

ኣቐዲመ ከምሓደ ዜጋ ንሕና ንበይንና ንኸዶ መገዲ ተጓዒዝና፡ ንውልቅና ንብሕቶ መኣዲ ተቐሪብና ከምዘይንፈልጥ መጠን፡ ግንድማ መጓዕዝትና ዝያዳ ክስጉመልና መባልዕትና ሓለፋ ክኹልሰልና ኣይባህግናን ስለዝኾነ፡ እዚ ብዙሕ ፍልጠትን ንዋይን ዝፈሰሶ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ ሓድሽ መዳኸምያ ድብያ ድማ እናረኣናዮ ከነጽቅጥ ስለዘየብሃገና “ከምቀደም ይመስለክን” ….. ክንብሎ ም ስለዝተገደድና ኢና ንዛረብ ዘለና።

ማለተይ ብትሕዝቶ ንምንጻር ዘመናውያን ፖለቲከኛታቶም ታሪኽ ምዝንባዕ ደጊስዎም ሕጂ’ውን ከም ቀዳማይ ዕማሞም ኮይ ኑ ይርአ እንሀ። ንሳቶም ብኣጋጣሚ ዓወት ዓድዋ ኣብዝገበርዎ ዓለማዊ ጎስጓስ ብፍላይ ኣባና ካብቲ ሕሉፍ ታሪኽ ጥልመቶም ብዝባኣሰ ገዚፍ ሓድሽ ናይ ውሽጢ-ውሽጢ ጥበባት ናይ ሓሶት ፍቕሪ ሓደነት ነስኒሶም ክስርዩና’ሞ ማሕላኦም ሓቂ መሲልና ዳግማይ ድርብ ድርብርብ ዓወታት ንምሕፋስ ይዋደዱ ብምህላዎም ኢዩ ከምቀደም ከይመስሎም ሓቂ ተዛሪቦም ኣብ መገዲ  ባቡር ክድቅሱ ንላወቦም ዘለና። ኣነ ንርእሰይ ከምቶም ካልኦት ደቂ-ሃገርና ኣድናቒ ዓወት ዓድዋ ብምዃነይ፡ ንሱ ኣብ ቦታኡ እናሃለወ፡ ንፖለቲካዊ መኽሰባት ክበሃል ዝግበር ናይ ታሪኽ ምስራዝ፡ ምድላዝን ምጥምዛዝን ግና ክሕደት ቃልስን መንነትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ዓወቱን ስለዝኾነ ከምቲካልእ ኩሉ ዜጋ ብዓቕመይ ዝረኣኹዎ ጉድለታት ናይ ምንቃፍን ምስትኽኻልን ሓላ ፍነት ከምዝስማዓኒ ክርድኡለይ ይደሊ። እሞ ኣበሃህላይ ብኣብነት ከሰንዮ።

ፈፍሩዩ ወስ ንምባል፡ ዓወት ዓድዋ ካብ ዓደመናስ ኩላህና ወዮም ናይዛ ጥንታዊት ሃገረ-ኢቲዮጲያ ዘርኢ ሰለሙነ-ሳባዊ ሃጸ ይ መነሊክ ኣብርእስና ዝነበሮም ጠመተን ዝገበሩዎ ውዕላትን ክስናዕ ርኢና። ብኣውራኡ “ንጉስ ንዓሳክር ኣይቀጽዑን (ኣይቆረ ጹን) ኣይጠለሙን። ከምኡ ዝገበሩ’ሞ መዃንንቲ ትግራይ ኢዮም”ኢልካ ነገር ገለካብቲ ማይ ዘይጠዓመ ዝመሰሎም ጥበብዩ።

ታሪኽ መግለጺ ፍጻመ ኢዩ። ብመጠን ዓለማውነቱ ድማ ንነባሪ ስለዝተመዝገበ ሎሚ ክስናዕ ኣይከኣልን። ምናልባሽ ሓንሳብ ንዘታለልካዮ ሰብ ኮነ ህዝቢ ስለዝለመድካዮ ኩሉ ግዜ ከተታልል ክትብል መመሊሱ ይፍተን እንተኾይኑ ከምቲ ኣባጊዑ ብወ ኻሩ ዘብልዐ ጓሳ ካብምዃን ሓሊፉ እንታይ ክፍይድ።

ብወገነይ በቲ ጥንታዊ ሃገርነት ኢቲዮጲያን ትውልድን ክጅምር ምመረጽኩ። ግን ብዛዕባ ዘመነ- እኒእኒ ኣልዒልና ኣብንበጽሖ የብልናን። ናይ እምነቶም ዕንቅፋት ምዃን ንርእሱ ከምጠንቂ ተጸላእቲ ከይንኸውን ሸለል ይሓይሽ። እቲ ዓለማዊ መዐቀኒ ሃገ ራውነት ግዳ ካብ ክፍላ 19 ክፍለ-ዘመን ከምዝጅምር ብኩሎም ኣህዛብ ቅቡል ኢዩ። ከምኡ እናተረድኦም እንተዘይኣመኑ ግን ፈሊጥካ ምጽማም ከምዘሎ ስለንፈልጥ ኣይንግደሰሎምን። እንተኾነ መሳበቢ ግዝኣት ክጥቀሙሉ ኣይነፍቅድን። ንትውልዲ  ዝምልከት’ውን ብዘይካ ሃጸይ ቴድሮስ ኩላቶም ነጋውስ ነዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ሰረተ-ንግስነት ከይጠቐሰ ዝሓለፈ ኣይረኣናን። ንጉስ መነሊክ ንርእሶም ካብ ቃልኪዳን ወጻእን ጎበጨረን ክንሶም፡ ካባ “ሞኣ ዘኣንበሳነት” ክጉምጎሙ ኣይጸገሞምን። “ቀንድን ጽሩ ይን ትውልዲ ሰለሙነ-ሳባዊት’ኮ ሽዋ ኢያ” ክበሃል ይጸንሕ’ሞ ብጎንደር ዝበረቑ ከኣ ‘መንከማና’ ክብሉ ይረኣዩ። ብጎጃመ-ዎ ሎ’ውን መን ክንድኦም? እንተ ናይ ደቂ ኣኹሱመ-ሳባውያን ድማ ሓለፋ ከምዘለዎ ይንገር። ከይስዕረና ንጠንቀቕ’ምበር ጓድ መንግስቱ ሃይለማርያም ብስም ‘ፈላሻ’ ኢስራኤላ ዘጣየሹዋ ህዝቢ ከድኣ ካበይ ዝቖናጠሩዋ ትነብር? ሽዋኸ ከይዳዶ ኣይፋላ?

ዝኾነ ኮይኑ ዘምጻኣና ንምግባር፡ ሽዑስ ዘመነ-መሳፍንቲ ስለዝነበረ መስፍናዊ ወራራት ዘየስዓበሎም ክሕደትን ኣጠላላምን ከ ምዘይነበረ ብቡሩህ ተዓዚብናዮ ኢና። ክሕደትን ጥልመትን ሽዑ’ውን ከምዚ ናይ ሎሚ መለኽቲ “ቀጻሊ ረብሓ’ምበር ቀጻሊ ዝምድና የለን” ዝብልዎ ከም ዓቢ ዲፕሎማሲያዊ መጣልዒ ኢዩ ዝውሰድ ዝነበረ። ንኣብነት መውስቦ እንተወሰድና፡ ኣብ ሃገ ርና ክቡር ነገር ኢዩ። ክቡርነቱ ድማ ግደፍ ኣብሰላምስ፡ ዝተቓተሉ ሰባት ከይተረፈ ጓልን ጋርን ቀንዲ መፈወሲ ሕነን ደምን ኢዩ ዝቑጸር። ኣብኣቶም ግን ኣይከምኡን። ንሶምን ንሕናን ክልተ ጫፍ ናይ ሓደ መስመር ምዃንና ከኣ ኣብነቱ እነሀልኩም።

እቶም ንናይ ሽዋ ንግስነት ቆሽሚዶም ዘምበርከኹዋ ሃጸይ ቴዎድሮስ ንምሩኽ ንጉስ መነሊክ ጓሎም ኣመርዓውዎ። ጽልኢ ብ

ፍቕሪ ንምድባሱ ተሓሲቡ እንተነይሩ፡ ብግብሪ ግን ወዮም ብሞት ዘይተቐጽዑን ጓል ዝተሰለሙን ንጉስ መነሊክ ኣብ ጥፍኣት ሃጸይ ቴዎድሮስ ኣብጎድኖም ኣይተሰለፉን። ከምኡ ድማ ንጉስ መነሊክ ኣዋልድ ደቆም ንደቂ ኣንጻሮም ዓደሉወን። ዘውዲቱ  ንኣብነት ንወዲ’ቶም መነሊክ ንርእሶም እምኒ ተሰኪሞም ይቕረ ዝለመኑዎም ሃጸይ ዮሃንስ ኣዋሰቡዋ።ጉርሒ ዝተሸርቦ ሽሩሕ መውስቦ ብምንባሩ ድማ ንጉስ መነሊክ (ጓሎም ንሰብኣያ ከምዝኸምበለቶ’ውን ይውረ ኢዩ) ርእሲ ሃጼ የውሃንስ ብዱርቡሽ እናተኸንተፈት ክረድኡ ካብ ቦታኦም ምዕይ ኣይበሉን። ብሓጺሩስ እቲ ጥልመት ኣብ ነንሕድሕዶም’ውን ንቡር መለለይኦም ከምዝነበረ ኢና ንርዳእ። ጠንቂ ናይ ዘይስምረቶም እንተድኣ መስፍናዊ ወራራት ነይሩ ካበይ ዝመጸ ናይ ኣሽሓት ዓመታት ሃገ ራውነት ኢዮም ዘውርዩ?

ብዛዕባ ውዕላት ዝመጸስ ምሒር ዝተነጸረ መልእኽቲ ዝሓዘ ብምዃኑ ናይ ነገር እምነቱን ክሕደቱን ንሰባት ገዲፍና መን ዘይፈ ልጦ? ሎሚ ሓቂ እናበርትዖም ምስመጸ ጽኑሓት ሰነዳት ወያነ ከምሓድሽ ትስንዖ ከምዘላ ኣምሲሎም ከሕሸኹሽኹ ሰሚዕና።ማለቶም ድማ ኣዝዩ ተነጺሩ ኣሎ። ብቐዳምነት፡ ወያነ ንኤርትራ ‘ስለዘገንጸለታ’ ዓባይ ኢቲዮጲያ ከኣ ዝያዳ ንዓዖም ስለትብጽ ሖም ተቐይሞማ። ደጊማ፡ ብ”ምሽጥር መረብ ምላሽ” ክሳብ ባረንቱ ክቆጻጸሩ እናኸኣሉ ‘ኣስገንጣይ’ ወያነ ግን ይትረፍ ኣብኡ ስ ባድመ’ዃ ንኤርትራ ኣሕሊፋ ሂባታ። ሰሊሳ፡ ብወገን ደንከል ክሳብ ባሕሪ ናይ ይግባኣኒ ምጉት ከቕርቡ እናኸኣሉ ነፍሲሄር ጠ/ሚኒስተር መለስ ‘ሕጋዊ መርትዖ የብልናን’ ኢሉ ከምዘካለፎም። ረቢዑ፡ ንኤርትራ ብሓይሊ ቆሽሚዶም ክቆጻጸሩዋ እና ኸኣሉ ብሰንኪ መለስ ካብ ኣፍደገ ኣስመራ ንድሕሪት ከምእተመለሱ። ኮታ እቲ ጠንቂ ሕልፈት መለስሲ ማእለያ የብሉን።

ነገር ኣንድነታዊ ሓሳብ ከይደገሶም ኣይተረፈን። እንተኾነ ግደፍ ሃገር ተኣክልስ ሓዳር’ውን’ኮ ብዘይፍቶት ሄዋነይቲ ኣይቀንዕን ኢዩ። ብኡ መጠን ፍትሕ ንቡርን ፍትሓውን ኮይኑ ይጸድቕ። ንሕና ድማ “ንሕና ኢቲዮጲያ ኣይኮንናን ይኣኽለና ባቓ”! ኢና’ ኮ ኢልና። ሕጂ ቁጭምጭምን ኣብ ዘይእንዳኻ ምሱውሱውን ተተመኹሊኻ “ፍቕሪ ያሸንፋል” እናተባህለ ሕቖ እንዳማትካ ክ ትሸሓሕር ምፍታንሲ እንታይ ኣምጽኦ? መልዓል ቅሙጥ! ዝበሃልስ ከምኡ ድዩ?

ናይ ወያነ ነገር’ሞ ዘየደቅስ ኮይንዎም ኣሎ። ሑሞራ ካብ ጎንደር ጠሪራ ብሒታቶ ከይኣክል ደጊማ ንሱዳን ክዋሃብ ዝበየነቶ መሬት ሰሊዓ ምህላዋ። ሰሊሳ፡ ንሃብታማት ኣዕራብ ኮኑ እንድዒ ዝተሸጠ መሬት። ረቢዓ፡ ኩሉ ቁጠባ ሃገር ኣብትሕቲ’ዛ ወ ፍጮ’ዃ ዘይነበራ ቁንጣሮ ህዝቢ ብምእታዉ፡ ማንም ጀነራልላት ሰማይ ጠቀስ ህንጻታት ኣዲስ-ኣበባ ብሒተሞ፡……….ኮታ ት ንሳኤ ተጋሩ ከምሕሱም ኣቕለሽልሽዎምሲ ክሳብ እቲ መለስ ተሸኪምዎ ዘይከደ ሓጽቢ ኣባይ ከይተረፈ ምስርሑ ክቃወሙ ክ ስምዑስ፡ ብኣና ምውርዛይ’ሞ ይትረፎም ከምቲ “የቆቱን ኣወርድ ብላ” …..ኢሎም ዝምስልዎ ከይሰዓበ ከቕልለሎም ንትስፎ።

እንተ’ቲ “ሃጸይ መነሊክ ኣይወዓሉዎን” ዝበሉና መቑረጽቲ መሓውርና ድማ ውዒለሞ’ምበር! ቅድም ቀዳድም ንሕና ዓሰርተታ ት ኣሽሓት ሙሩኻቶም ብሰላም ዘፋነና ብምዃንና ንሳቶም ንዓና ብዛዕባ ኣተሓሕዛ ሙሩኻት ክምህሩና ኣይክእሉን ኢዮም። ብተወሳኺ እቲ ብ“በፍትሓ ነገስት” ዝተወስደ ‘ቅጣት’ሲ ከመይ ኣቢሉ ኣሉላዊ ኮይኑ? ራእሲ ኣሉላ እንተዝደልይዎኸ ሃጸይ ኣ ብ ክንዲ ምእራሙስ እናተቖረጽና ከይተረፈ ኣውያትና ክሰምዑዶ ኣብቲ ቦታ ከይመጹ? እምበርከ ‘ብሰንኪ ኣሉላ’ ማለት ምስ ቲ በፍትሓ-ነገስቲ ኣይጋጮን ዶ? ክልተ መልሓስ ነውሪ!!

እንተድኣ ምስወያነ ከናቑቱና ሓሊኖም ኮይኖም ድማ ብወገንናስ ተጋግዮም። ብዝተረፈ ፕረሲደንት ኢሳይያስ ስልጣን ከምዝ ፈቱ ከጋውሑ ጸኒሖም ጎድኒጎድኑ ኣብ እዋን ናጽነት ኣብ ዓዲ እንግሊዝ ንርእሰ-ምምሕዳር ኢሉ ፈሪምሎም እንተኾይኑ ሃየ’ን ዶ ወሸለ!! ሕጅስ እንታይማይዶ ሓሊፍዎ ኢዩ ዘይሰማምዑ። በታ ተጀሚራ ዝነበረት ኮንፈደረሽንዶ ጥቓኣ ክሰማምዑ እንተ ክኢሎም፡ ንሱ ንዓኣቶም ‘መራሕን’ ወደባትን’ ምኾነሎም። ፕረሲደንትና ድማ ነዛ ዓባይ ሽመቱ ዕምሩ ሙሉእ ብሂጉዋ እንተ ኾይኑ ዋላ ንሓንቲ መዓልቲ እንተተኾየጣ እንታይ በሃሊት!

ንሰምዖ’ኮ ኣለና ብኣፍ ናይታ “ኢሳት” ዝብሉዋ ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝመደበራ ቲቪ ተቓወምቲ ኢቲዮጲያ ህዝብና’ውን ክሰምዕ ተሓሊ ኑ ዝበሃል ዘሎ። ህዝብና ድማ ንፈነወ ሓበሬታ ኣሰናን መሰልታን ንምስሳን ዝዋደቕ ዘሎ ሓቀኛ ድምጽና ንክሰምዕ’ምበር ብሃ ውሪ’ኮ ኣይኮነን። ብተወሳኺ ንከታተሎ’ኮ ኣለና ብሸፈጥ “ፍቅር ያሸንፋል” ናይ እኒ ገለ ምሁራት ኢቲዮጲያ “ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ስ ናህና ኢዩ፡ እቲ ዝተሰብረ ድልድል ድማ ኣብ ምጽጋን ገጹ ኢዩ” እናተባህለ ዝቀናጦ ዘሎ ኣጽፋር፡ እተን ኣብ እዋን ሃገራዊ ሓደጋ እናሃለና ኣብ ኣዲስ-ኣበባ ገዛውቲ ከምዝሸመታ ዝውረየለን ዘሎ ቁጻር-ምጻር’ውን ምንም ዝቕይሮ ሓቅታት የለን።

ብዛዕባ ኤርትራን ኤርትራውን ጭቡጥ ሓቂ ክንዛረብ። ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ከምኩሉ ህዝቢ ምስጢሩ ዘይተገላጺ ናይባዕልና ባህርያት ኣለና። ክቱር ከምዘይተበደልና ኣውራ ንይቕረ ልዑል ቦታ ኢና ንህቦ። በዚ እዋናዊ ሓርጎጽጎጽ ተተባቢዑ ጠፍኡ-ጠ ፍኡ ኢሉ ዝትስፎ እንተ-ኣልዩ ብጣዕሚ ተጋግዩ። ከመይሲ ኤርትራ ብደምን ታሪኽን ዝቖመት ሃገር ኢያ። ስለዝኾነት ክትሽ ፈጥ ድሉውቲ ኣይኮነትን። ልክዕ’ዩ ከምጀጋኑ ቅልጽምና እናተገተረ፡ ብፍቕሪ ባህጊ ብሓባር ምስራሕን ሓልዮት ጉርብትናን ብ ዙሕ ግዜ ከንዕቐና ጸኒሑ ኢዩ። ምስክሩ ዝተራእዩ ጀግንነታዊ ፍጻመታት መርኣያ ናይዚ ኢዮም። ጀግንነት ማለት ድማ ግብ ራዊ’ምበር ኣብጻልጣ ጎልጎል ስለዝተዘመረ ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ዝጎብለለ ወተሃደራዊ ስራሓት ኢቲዮጲያ ብኤርትራውያን ዝተ ፈጸመ ኢዩ። መቸም ንሳቶም ክሳብ ሎሚ “ኣይተገዛእናን” በሃልቲ እንድዮም፡ ጣልያን ንሃገሮም ንሓሙሽተ ዓመታት ክድኩዓ እንከሎ፡ እቶም ድሒሮም ንጉሰ-ነገስት ዝተሰምዩ ኣይኮኑን ተዋዲቖሙላ። ጎጃማዊ በላይ ክቛሻመድ እንከሎ ኤርትራውያን ድ ማ ከምቲ ዝተራእየ ናይእኒ ጉግሳታት ርእሶም ንጣልያን ኣየድነኑን። ብሓይሊ ከምተገዛእና ምልክቱ ኣብዓድዋ ተራእዩ’ዃ እን ተኾነ፡ ብተወሳኺ ክልተ ዜጋታትና ኢዮም ኣብማእከል ርእሲ-ከተማኦም ግራዚያኒ ንምቕታል ዝተሰውኡ። ኤርትራዊ ኢዩ ኣ ብ ሮማ ብሴፉ ዝተጓመደ። ካልእ ግደፉ፡ ኣማን ዓንዶም ንሓቀኛ ፍታሕ ሽግር ክልቲአን ሃገራት እናተጋደለ ክማርኽዎ ምስ ዝመጹ ጦር ከምተኳሽሐ ትዝክሩ ኢኹም። እቲ ከምቴዎድሮስ ንሃገሩ ክሓልፈላ ሽጉጡ ክጥጥየላ ዝተጸበይዎ መንግስቱ ግዳ ኣዋርቐ-ዶላራት ብዝጻዓነት እርቡናለኡ ኢዩ ራሕሪሕዎም ዚምባብወኡ ዝተደርገመ። ክሕደቶም’ሞ ክንደይ ክትብሉዎ?

ዝኸፍአ ነንሕድሕዶም ልባቶም ኣብዝኾነ እዋን፡ ብዝኾነ መድሃኒትን መሕጸብን ከምዘይትጸሪ ክካሰሱ ክንሰምዕ ንዓና ከኣ ዝ ገበሩና የዘኻኽረና። ረሲዕኩሞ ዲኹም እቲ ብነፈርቲ ክንደይ ህዝብናን ጥሪትናን ኣንዲዱ ዝተማረኸ በዛብህ ጴጥሮስ፡ ንዕዑ ዝተገብረሉ ዛንታ ከይበዝሓና ገዲፈ ኲናት ምስተወልዐ ከምግዳይን ሙሁርን መጠን ክንዲ ንሰላም ዝጽዕር፡ ክጸናተወና ስለ  ዝጸንሐ ብኣጋጣሚ ሓድሽ ኲናት ነታ ዝሰርሓላ ዝነበረ ቦታ፡ ክዕልሞም ዝጸንሐ መንእሰያትን መሳርሕቱን ክቐትል ፈቲኑ ዳ ግማይ ክማረኽ? ኦይ………..

ሎሚኸ ኢቲዮጲያ ብዛዕባ ኤርትራን ህዝባን እንታይ ትሓስብ ኣላ? መቸም እቲ ተጣቢባቶ ዝመሰላ ንኤርትራ ዝጎዛዚ መደብ ቆላማ ደጋማ ድሮ ፈሺልዋ እንድዩ፡ ተሓቢኣ ዘላ መሲልዋ ኮንዶኾን ካብዝብል ኣእዳዋ ካብምውጥዋጥ ኣየዕረፈትን። እቲ ኣ ብቶም ፖለቲከኛታትና ዝግበር ጸቕጥስ ንቕበሎ። ኣብ ርእሲ መንእሰያትና ንዝግበር ምግምማዕ ግዳ ኣጥቢቕና ንኹንን። ኣብ ርእሲ’ቶም መናገድያ ኮይኖማ ዘለዉ ዑቕበኛታትና ዝወርድ ዘሎ በደላት’ሞ ንግዜ ይጽናሕ።

ግዳይነት ዓወት ዓድዋ እዩ ኣዛሪብና። በቲ ግዜ’ቲ ክምዘኑ ስለዝነበሮም ሎሚ ኣብ ርእሲ ሃጸይ መነሊክ’ውን ዝኾነ ኣይምበል ናን። እንተኾነ ካባታት ሸፋፊንካ ካልእ ንምምሳሎም ካብተደለየ፡ ኣይፋላትና ከነቕርብ ጉቡእ ኢዩ። እቶም ‘ኣሉላታት’ እንዳ ቖረጹና ዘስቀጡ ሓላይ ህዝቦም ዝበሃሉ፡ ከምቲ ኣብ ወርቂ መንበር ተኾድጮም ማዕሪጎም ትርእይዎም ጥራይ ከይመስለኩም ንምብራህ ኢየ ዝፈተንኩ። ንሶም ብጥልመት፡ ክፍኣትን ቅትለትን ዝተፈልጡ ነበሩ። እታ ትረኣየኩም ናይ ምዕሩጋት መንበር ንርእሳ ካብ ሃገረ-እንግሊዝ ተሸሚታ ዝመጸት ናይ ኤሌክትሪክ መቕተሊት ሰብ ኢያ። በቲ ግዜ’ቲ ኣብ ሃገሮም ኤለክትሪክ ብ ዘይምንባሩ ግን ብኣልባሳት ኣማዕሪጎማን ንርእሶም ማዕሪጎምን ተኾድጮማ ርኢና። ገለ ክንብል ዝግድዱና ዘመናውያን ክእደ ቡ ንምምሕጻን ክብል ኢየ ድማ ዝጠቐስኩዋ።

ከምቲ ደጋጊመ ዝበልኩዎ ትረኻይ ንኢቲዮጲያ ጥቓ ምቁንጻቦም ኣይበጽሐን። ክንደይ ጀጋኑን ቁኑዓትን ኢቲዮጲያውያን ኣሕ ዋትናን ጎረቤትናን ከምዘለዉና ኣጸቢቐ እፈልጥን፡ በይንና ተጓዒዝና ኣብንበጽሖ ስለዘየለ ድማ፡ ኣብ ሃሃገርና ኰንና ክንተሓላ ለን፡ ክንተሓሳሰብ፡ ነዚ ፈታኒ እዋን ግደፍ ተነጻጺልናስ ተጠርኒፍና’ውን ኣጸጋሚ’ዩ እሞ ፍልልያትና ከምባህርያቱ ከሎ ከይተ ጎዳዳእና ክንተሓጋገዝ እምነተይን ትጽቢተይን ከምዝኾነ ክርድኡለይ እላቦ።

መፈጸምታኡ የርእየና!!

ጎደፋ፡

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ኣገዳሲ ምልክታ – ምንቅስቓስ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ደለይቲ ለውጢ ኣብ ቴለማርክን ከባቢኡን

Oslo_Association-1

ምንቅስቓስ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ደለይቲ ለውጢ ኣብ ቴለማርክን ከባቢኡን ቅድሚ ዓመት ብወግዒ ዝተመስረተ ማሕበር ኮይኑ፡ ዛጊት ምስ ኩላቶም ኣብ ኖርወይ ዝርከቡ ጸረ ህግደፍ ዝኾኑ ደለይቲ ለውጢ ብምትሕብባር ቃልሱ ከካይድ ጸኒሑን ኣሎን። ቃልስና ክዕወት እንተኾይኑ ግን ምስ ውሱናት ተቓለስቲ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ምስ ኩላቶም ጸረ ህግደፍ ዝኾኑ ደለይቲ ለውጢ ማሕበራትን ሓይልታትን ተወሃሂዱ ክካየድ ስለ ዘለዎ፡ ማሕበርና ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ኣብ ዘካየዶ ኣኼባ፡ ኣብ ሕብረት ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ብምእማን ምስ ስምረት መንእሰያት ኤርትራውያን ንድሕነት ሃገር ክሓብር ከም ዝወሰነ ብወግዒ የፍልጥ ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ተኣፋፊ ኵነታት ዘለወሉ ወቕቲ፡ ኩላቶም ደለይቲ ለውጢ ደቀቕቲ ፍልልያቶም ኣወጊዶም ኣብ ሓደ ናይ መኣዲ ብምቕራብ ዕምሪ ምልኪ ከሕጽሩ ድማ ይላቦ።

ዓወት ንህዝቢ

ምኤመደለቴ

VN:F [1.9.22_1171]
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VN:F [1.9.22_1171]
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‘ዝኸሰረ ነጋዳይ ናይ ቀደም መዛግብቱ ይግንጽል’ -ቃል ኣሰና

Isaias_wuqaw

ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ ካብ ዝጥፍሽ ሓያለ ዓመታት ኣሕሊፉ እዩ። ዝተዋግኦ ኣይነበረን፣ ባዕሉ እዩ ንውደቅቱ ኣቀላጢፉዎ። እቲ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጠሊሙን ዓሚጹን ብኢደ-ወነኑ ዘውዲ ዝደፍአ፣ ውልቀመላኺ ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ፣ ብገዛእ ምሳሩ ንሰራውር ስርዓቱ ባዕሉ እዩ በብሓደ ቆጥቍጡዎ።

እቲ ኢሳይያስ ዝበተኾ ቀንዲ ሱር፣ ካብ ትግባረ ናይቲ ኣብ 1997 ዝጸደቐ ቅዋም ንምህዳም መመሳመሲ ንምፍጣር ኣብ 1998 ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ኵናት ምብርዑ እዩ። ወዮ ደኣ ኢሳይያስ ብስስዐ ስልጣን ዓይኑን ኣእምሮኡን ዝዓወረ ዓንዳሪ መራሒ ኮይኑ እምበር፣ ነቲ ቅዋም እንተዘተግብሮ ነይሩ፣ እተን ዓንቀጻት ናይቲ ቅዋም ዝፈቕዳኦ ክልተ ክፍለ-ግዝያት ፕረዚደንትነት 99 ሚእታዊት ካብኡ ኣይምሓለፋን ነይረን። ኣብቲ ሰለስተ ዓመት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብድራማ መስርሕ ንድፊ ቅዋም ላል ዘበሎ፣ ባህጊ ስልጣን ዘይብሉ ክመስል ኣብ ክትዓት ኮምሽን ቅዋም፣ “ክልተ ክፍለ ግዜ ንሓደ ፕረዚደንት ነዊሑ ‘ሎ፣ ሓደ ጥራይ ይኣክል፣ ክሓጽር ኣለዎ” ዝበለ መታለሊ ኢሳይያስ ግን፣ በቲ 99 ሚእታዊት ዕድል ተመራጽነቱ ምትእምማን ስኢኑ፣ በታ ሓንቲ ሚእታዊት ተጠራጢሩ ዘይኮነስ፣ ንስልጣን ንዕድመ ልክዕ ዝብህጎ; ብስስዕቲ ዝተደፍነ ሃጻፍ ውልቀሰብ ስለዝኾነ እዩ፣ ነቲ ንህዝብን ሃገርን ዝለከመ ሓደገኛ ስጉምቲ ወሲዱ።

ምትግባር ቅዋም ማለት፣ ንኹሉ ‘ቲ ሰነድ ኣካቲቱዎ ዝነበረ ብዓቢኡ ብዙሕነት ሰልፍታትን ህዝባዊ ምርጫን ምክያድ፣ ከምኡ ‘ውን ንኹሎም ዜጋዊ መሰላትን ግቡኣትን፣ ሰብኣዊ ሓርነትን ናጽነትን ንምምላእ ዝሕግዙ ዲሞክራስያዊ ትካላት ምትእትታው ማለት ስለዝኾነ፣ እቲ ተጋዳላይ ምእንቲ ናጽንት ብንጽህና እናተሰውአ፣ ቀትሪ ጸላም ከሎ ኣትሒዙ ዝሓለሞ ኣብ ስልጣን ናይ ምንባር ውዲት ከይፈሽሎ መታን፣ ቅዋም ካብ ምስ ተተኽለ ከይተተኽለ ምንቃሉ ይቐልል ኢሉ ብተንኮል ስለዝሓሰበ እዩ፣ ማዕረ ብኵናት፣ እሞ ኸኣ ብዋጋ  ህይወት ኣሽሓት መንእሰያት ምጥላዕ መሪጹ። ንቕዋም ከም ህጉም ስለዝፈርሓ እዩ ኢሳይያስ፣ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ገደል ክኣቱ ፈሪዱዎ።

“ኵናት ዝፈልጥ ካብ ኵናት ይፈርሕ” እዩ ዝብሃል። እቲ ወትሩ ከቢድ ብረት ኣብ ዘይስምዓሉ ማዕዶ ቤጽሕፈት ኮይኑ ቃለመጠየቕ ክገብር እምበር፣ ‘ነዛ ኵናት እዚኣ መሪሑዋ’ ተባሂሉ ክዕለለሉ ሰሚዕናሉ ዘይፈልጥ ኢሳይያስ፣ ንሓደገኛነት ናይቲ ዝወልዖ ኵናት ክግንዘቦ ዘይምኽኣሉ ብሓቂ ንኵናት ከምዘይወዓለሉ እዩ ዝምስክር። ንፖለቲካ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ከም ድላዪ ዝጠዋውዮ ረቂቕን ሰንካምን መራሒ ከምዝነበረ ዝከሓድ ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ፣ ተጋዳላይ ብግብራዊ ወተሃደራዊ ኣመራርሓኦምን ክእለቶምን ዝዝክሮም መራሕቲ፣ ከም ብዓል ኢብራሂም ዓፋ፣ ጴጥሮስ ሰለሙን፣ ዑቕበ ኣብርሃ፣ መስፍን ሓጎስ፣ ብርሃነ ገረዝጊሄር ዝኣመሰሉ ክኢላታት ዝርከቡዎም ኣርካናት እዮም ነይሮም።

ምስዚ ኣተኣሳሲርካ ክጥቀስ ዝግብኦ፣ ምናልባት፣ ኢሳይያስ ኣብቲ ትግባረ ቅዋም ንምዕጋት ኢሉ ዝወልዖ ኵናት ከመስክሮ ዝደለየ ካልኣይ ዕላማ፣ ዋና ወተሃደራዊ ኣዛዚ ሓይልታት ውግእ ኤርትራ ኮይኑ ነቲ ኣብ ግዜ ገድሊ ዝበኾሮ ታሪኽ ውግኣት መሊኡ፣ ነቶም ናይ ብሓቂ ኣርካናት ኣፎም ከትሕዞም፣ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከኣ ኩሉ መዳያዊ መራሒ ተባሂሉ ክረአ ‘ሞ ነቲ ኣብ ስልጣን ናይ ምንባር ጥሙሑ ዘይንቕነቕ ክገብሮ ኢሉ ክኸውን ይኽእል እዩ። እዚ እንተኾይኑ ካልኣይ ዕብዳን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ፣ ከምቲ ሚኒስተር ዜናኡ ዝነበረ ዓሊ ዓብዱ ወትሩ ዝገብሮ ዝነበረ፣ ነታ ብፒሮ ዝኖኾለት ጁባ ዘለዋ ካምችኡ ተኸዲኑ ከሎ ዝተሳእላ ምስሊ “ቃላት ብወርቂ ቀለም” ብዝብል ሓረግ ኣኽቢቡ ብቐጻሊ ኣብ ቲቪ ኤረ ምድግጋም ጥራይ ምኣኸሎ ነይሩ። እቲ ኢሳይያስ ኵናት ዝወዓለላ ብጥይት ዝነኾለት ካምቻ ገይሩ ዝርዳእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ በቲ ኮይኑ በቲ ናጽነት ምምጽኡ ጥራይ እዩ ዘገድሶ እምበር፣ ካብኡ ሓሊፉ ኣይምተጸባጸቦን። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፣ ካብቲ ኢሳይያስ ቀደም ዘበርከቶ ጽቡቕ፣ ሎሚ ዝገብሮ ዘሎ ክፉእ በዚሑዎ ዓቕሉ ጸቢቡዎ ዘሎ ህዝቢ፣ ዝርዝራት ውግኣት ኢሳይያስ ከጻሪ ትንፋስ ዝህቦ ግዜ ‘ውን የብሉን።

ኣብዚ መዳይ’ዚ ድኻም ዝስምዖ ዝነበረ ኢሳይያስ፣ መንግስቲ ኢህወደግ ነቶም ምስ ደርግ ኮይኖም ዝተዋግኡዎ ጀነራላት ካብ ቤትማእሰርቲ ኣውጺኡ ናብ ውግእ ከዋፍሮም ከሎ፣ ንሱ በንጻሩ ንኹሎም’ቶም ብተመክሮ ወተሃደራዊ ስትራተጂ ዝበሰሉ፣ ኣብ ገድሊ ኣብ ደረጃ ፖለቲካዊ ቤትጽሕፈት ዝነበሩ ምስቶም ናይ ዓውደ ውግኣት ኣዘዝቲ ዘራኽቡዎ ላዕለዎት ኣዘዝቲ ኵናት ኣደስኪሉ፣ ብደረጃ ኣመራርሓ ነቲ ናይ 1998-2000 ዓ.ም ኵናት ናቱ ናይ ኢሳይያስ እዩ ኵናት ገይሩዎ። ጸገም ኢሳይያስ ግዳ ኣብኡ ኣይተወደአን። እቲ ምርኡይ ኢሳይያስ፣ ወናኒ ናይቲ ኵናት ክኸውን ኣሻፈረኝ ከምዘይበለ፣ ስዕረት ምቕባል ምሕሳሙ ዝገደደ ኮይኑ ተረኺቡ። በንጻር ዘረብኡ፣ ባድመ ብኢትዮጵያ ምስ ተመንዝዐት፣ ነቲ ን30 ዓመታት ዝተዋህለለ ጅግንነት ኤርትራውያን ናብ ውርደት ምስ ቀየሮ፣ በንጻር ጃህርኡ፣ ጸሓይ ከም ቀደማ ብምብራቕ ምስ በረቐት፣ ወተሃደራዊ ስዕረቱ ናብቶም ኢዶም ኣሲሩ ምስራሕ ዝኸልኦም መራሕቲ ኣጸጊዑ፣ ኣሕቂቑዎም። እቲ ተዓዊቱ፣ ኣብ ላዕሊ ኮይኑ ክምካሓሎም ዝሓሰበ ኢሳይያስ፣ ምስ ፈሸለ ቀኒዑ ዓይኒ ዓይኖም ምጥማት ስለዘጸገሞ “ተሓባበርቲ ወያነ ነይሮም፣ ተምበርኪኾም” ኢሉ ኣብ ጸላም ምሕዩር ክኸውሎም ወሲኑ። እቶም በጥ ዘበሉዎ ወያነ ክንሶም፣ “ተመበርኪኾም” ኢሉ ብምጽላም ሕነ ስዕረቱ ኣብቶም ግዳያት ፈድዩ።  እዚ ኸኣ ምብታኽ ተወሳኺ ስራውር ስርዓቱ ምዃኑ እዩ።

ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ ከመይ ኢሉ ከምዝጠፈሸ ‘ሞ፣ ልክዕ ከምታ ኣብ መሬት ወዲቓ ክንሳ ሓንቲ ሱር ሒዛ መሓውታ እተሐልል ገረብ፣ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ምምሓዉ ጥራይ ኣጊሙና ከምዘሎ ኢና ክንተናኽፍ ጸኒሕና። ዘበገሰና ቀንዲ ኣርእስቲ ግን እቲ “ዝኸሰረ ነጋዳይ ‘ሲ ናይ ቀደም መዛግብቱ ይገናጽል” ዝብል፣ ነቲ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ እቲ ዝወደቐ ኢስይያስ ታሪኽ ዝሰርሑ ጀጋኑ ቀቢሩ ብውዕሎ ጀጋኑ ክጀሃር ማህደር ቅያታት እናገንጸለ ዘርእዮ ዘሎ ናይ ታሪኽ ምቍልማጽ ዘዘኻኽር ኣበሃህላ እዩ።

ኢሳይያስ፣ “ሓሶት እንተደጋጊምካዮ ሓቂ ክመስል ይኽእል እዩ” ዝብል ኣጉል ብህሎ ተኸቲሉ፣ ን 10 ዓመታት “ስዒረ፣ ስዒረ፣ ስዒረ” ኢሉ ዝደናገራ ኣእዛን ስለዘይረኸበ፣ ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣባላት ሓይልታት ምክልኻል ኤርትራ ብጥሪ 2013 ንለውጢ ተንቀሳቒሶም ሰርቲፊኬት ውድቀቱ ኣብ ፎርቶ ምስ ገደፉሉ፣ ናብ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንናጽነት ተመሊሱ መዝገብር ታሪኽ ገናጺሉ፣ “ጽምብል ምድምሳስ ናደው እዝ፣ ጽምባል ምድምሳስ ውቃው እዝ” እናበለ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምትላል ይፈታትን ኣሎ።

ዓቕሚ ምድንጋር ኢሳይያስ ግን ካብ ሓንቲ ሓጻር ሕቶ ‘ኳ ዝሓልፍ ኣይኮነን። “ግርም ‘ባ ጀጋኑ ቀቢርካ ብውዕሎ ጀጋኑ ምውርዛይ፣ ኣበይ ኣለዉ እቶም ምድምሳስ እዚ ውቃውን ናደውን ዝመርሑ፣ ብዓል ዑቕበ ኣብርሃ፣ ጴጥሮስ ሰለሙን፣ መስፍን ሓጎስ፣ ብርሃነ ገረዝጊሄር?” ተባሂሉ እንተተሓቲቱ፣ ኢሳይያስ ብርግጽ መልሲ የብሉን።

እዞም ምኩራት ኣዘዝቲ ውግእ እዚኣቶም፣ ብፍላይ ብ1984 ኣብ ምድምሳስ ውቃው እዝ ላዕለዎት መኮንናት፣ ብ1988 ኣብ ምድምሳስ ናደው ከኣ ሶቬታውያን ኣማኸርቲ ማሪኾም ደኣምበር ላዕለዎት መራሕቲ ውግእ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ኣይከፈሉን፣ ኢሳይያስ ግን ኣብ ጽምብል መበል 30 ዓመት ውቃው እዝ፣ ትማሊ መጋቢት 2014 ሰለስተ ጀነራላት ኣብ ጥራይ ጎልጎል ኣጥፊኡ። እቲ ኣብ ኵናት ዘይተሰውኡ ጀነራላት ኣብ ጉዕዞ ጽምብል ዘጥፍእ ኢሳይያስ ኣመና ጠፊሹ ከምዘሎ ‘ሞ ካብዚ ንላዕሊ ዝዓቢ እንታይ ጭብጢ ሎ።

ኢስይያስ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዙሕ ገበናት እዩ ፈጺሙ። ሓደ ካብኣቶም፣ ነቶም ኣብ ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ዝነበሩ ክብርታት ተጋዳላይ ናብዚ ዝቕጽል ወለዶ ብግቡእ ከይሰጋገር ምታን ዕንቅፋት ምዃኑ እዩ። ምእንቲ ውልቃዊ ስስዕቲ ስልጣን ክብል፣ ነቲ ሰንሰለት ውርሻ በቲኹ ኣብ መንጎ ክልቲኡ ወለዶታት ጋግ ፈጢሩ። ኣብ ፈለማ ናጽነት፣ ርእሰተኣማንነት ናይቲ ዘፍርሖ ዝነበረ ተጋዳላይ ክሰብር ክብል ታሪኽ ተጋዳላይ ከይተነግረ ከምዝጽላእ ገይሩዎ። ብዙሓት ተጋደልቲ ነቲ ኣብ ቃልሲ ንሓርነት ዝተፈጸመ ከም ብዓል 6ይ ወራር ዝኣመሰለ ዓበይቲ ፍጻሜታት ኣብ እዋኑ ክጽሕፉዎን ንህዝቢ ከስተምህሩዎን ተበግሶ ‘ኳ እንተወሰዱ፣ እዋኑ ኣይኮነን ኢሉ ኢሳይያስ ዓጊቱዎም። ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ኣብያኡ ግን ኣብቲ ታሪኽ ኵናት ዝጥቀስ ሞያ ስለዘይገበረ፣ ንሱ ዘይደምቀሉ ታሪኽ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክንገር ስለዘይደለየ እዩ። እወ፣ ተመራመርቲ ታሪኽ ደኣ የጻርዩዎ እምበር፣ እዞም ኣብ ማሕዩር ዝሓቁ ዘለዉ ጀጋኑ፣ ተጋዳላይ ህዝባዊ ግንባር 6ይ ወራር ንምፍሻልን ደጀኑ ንምክልኻልን እናተሰውአ ኸሎ ኢሳይያስ ኣብ ደቡባዊ ምብራቕ ኤሽያ ምስ ፍሊፒኖ ኣሽሓት ዶላራት ይሕሽሽ ምንባሩ እዮም ዝገልጹ።

ሓደ እዋን ኣካያዲ ባንክ ኤርትራ ዝነበረ ንሓያለ ዓመታት ደስኪሉ ዘሎ ተጋዳላይ ተኪኤ በየነ ብዛዕባ ናይ ቃልሲ ትዕዝብቱ ኣብ ዝደረሳ ንእሽቶ መጽሓፍ ‘ኳ፣ ንኢሳይያስ ኣብታ ምጽሓፉ ስለዘይጠቐሶ እዩ በቲ መጋበርያ ኢሳይያስ ዝነበረ ዓሊ ዓብዱ ዝተላእኩ ኣኽላባት ኣብ ጋዜጣ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ ዉሕ ዉሕ ዝበሉዎ።

ሕጂ ድሕሪ 23 ዓመታት ናጽነት እምብኣር፣ ናይ ውድቀቱ ሰዓት ምስ ተደወለ እዩ ንታሪኽ ጅግንነት ተጋዳላይ መድሓኒ ገጽ ክገብሮ ጽምብል ድሕሪ ጽምብል ኣከታቲሉ ክምዝምዞ ዝፍትን ዘሎ። ከምቲ ቅድም ኣቢልና ዝጠቐስናዮ፣ ኢሳይያስ ዓይኑን ኣእምሮኡን ደኣ ዓዊሩ እምበር፣ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጅግንነት ተጋዳላይ ክሰምዕ ከሎ፣ ከምቲ ኢሳይያስ ዝምነዮ ነቲ ኩሉ ዝፈጸሞ ጥፍኣት ሕድገት ክገብረሉ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ “እንታይ ‘ሞ፣ መስዋእቲ ዝቐደሙ ደቅና ኣባኺንካ፣ ዝደሓሩ ደቅና ተህልቖም ኣለኻ፣ ኣንታ ኣራዊት፣ ሃገር ‘ባ ለከምካያ፣ ኢድካ ኣይትስኣን!” እናበለ ይረግሞ ምህላዉ ዝተሰቆሮ ኣይመስልን። ኢሳይያስ ካብ መርገም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክድሕን እንተኾይኑ፣ መዝገብ ታሪኽ ጅግንነት ተጋዳላይ ምግንጻል ክገድፎ ኣለዎ።

ታሪኽ ጅግንነት ተጋዳላይ መዳርግቲ የብሉን። እንተኾነ፣ ንዛንታ ንጹሃት ጀጋኑ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ፣ ንጹሃት ኣዘንተውቲ ክጸውዩዎ ከለዉ እዩ ታሪኻዊ መቐረት ዘለዎ። ኣብ ጅግንነት ዝወዓሉ ጀጋኑ ኣሕቂቑ፣ ስእልታቱ እናዳቐለ ሓዱሽ ታሪኽ ዝነግር ዘሎ ኢሳይያስ፣ ንጅግንነት ኤርትራውያን የመራስሖ ጥራይ እዩ ዘሎ።

ግንባር ሰሜናዊ ሳሕልን ምድምሳስ ውቃው እዝን ክትዝክር ከለኻ ተጋዳላይ ዑቕበ ኣብርሃ ከመይ ጌርካ ይርሳዕ፣ ግንባር ናቕፋን ምድምሳስ እዚ ናደውን ክዝከር ከለኻ ተጋደልቲ ጴጥሮስ ሰለሙንን መስፍን ሓጎስን ከመይ ጌርካ ይርስዑ?

ናይዞም ፍሉጣት መራሕቲ ዛንታስ ኩሉ ስለዝፈልጦ፣ ምቕንታብ ስእልታቶም ካብ ቴለቭዥን ኤርትራ ካብ ኣእምሮ ተጋዳላይን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ክድምስሶ ኣይክእልን እዩ።

ንምዃኑ እቲ ፋርኔሎ ተባሂሉ ዝጽዋዕ ዝነበረ መዳውብቲ ደንደን ዝነበረ ሓደ ካብ ዕርድታት ግንባር ናቕፋ፣ እቲ ብ ጥሪ 2013 ኣብ ምንቅስቓስ ሰራዊት ተሳቲፍካ ኢሉ ዝኣሰሮ ኣብ ምፍሻል 6ይ ወራር መራሒ ሓይሊ ዝነበረ፣ ኣብ ዞባ ደቡብ ተሓጋጋዚ ኣመሓዳሪ ዞባ ኮይኑ ክሳብ ዝመጸሉ እዋን ኣብ ሓይልታት ምክልኻል ክሳብ መራሒ ክፍለ-ሰራዊት ዝብጽሐ ተጋዳላይ ተስፋማርያም ተስፋስላሰ (ወዲ ኣመሪካ) ከምዘጠመቖስ ኢሳይያስ ይፈልጦ ደኾን ይኸውን?

ኣብ 6ይ ወራር መራሒ ብርጌዱ ንወዲ ኣመሪካ ዝነበረ ስዉእ ተጋዳላይ ስዒድ ፈረጅ፣ ሽዑ መራሒ ሓይሊ ንዝነበረ ወዲ ኣመሪካ “እንታይ ደኣ ደሃይ ኣጥፊእካ?” ኢሉ ብራድዮ ምስ ሓተቶ፣ “ ዓርከይ ፋርኔሎ ኳ እዮም ኣረኪቦምና” ኢሉ፣ ነቲ ሓዊ ዝተፍእ ዝነበረ ጽዕጹዕ ኩነታት ገሊጹዎ። እታ ቦታ ኸኣ ካብኡ ንደሓር ፋርኔሎ ተባሂላ ከምዝተሰየመት ደቂ ኣሃዱኡ ነበር ይገልጹ። እቲ ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ውግኣት ክሳብ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ሽረ እናስላሰ ኣሃዱታት መሪሑ ዝተዋግአን ዘዋግአን፣ ኣብዚ ዳሕረዋይ ኵናት ኣብቲ ብሳልሳይ ወራር ዝፍለጥ ናይ መወዳእታ ዙርያ ኣዛዚ ክፍለሰራዊት ዝበጽሐ፣ ስድርኡ ብምሉኦም ተጋደልቲ ዝነበሩ ወዲ ኣመሪካ ግን፣ ቅዋም ክትግበር እሱራት ክፍትሑ ምስ ብጾቱ ስለዝጸውዐ ብኢሳይያስ ኣብ ቤትማእሰርቲ ተዳጕኑ ይሳቐ ‘ሎ። እቲ ንነኻሲ ባህርያት ኢሳይያስ ኣጸቢቑ ዝፈልጦ ወዲ ኣመሪካ፣ ስርሒት ፎርቶ ከምዘይተዓወተ ምስ ተገንዘበ ነብሰ ቅትለት ኳ እንተፈተነ ኣይሰለጦን። ኣብ ሕክምና ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ከኣ ነቶም ኣብ ስርሒት ፎርቶ ዝተሳተፉ ኣማኢት እሱራትን ከም ብዓል ኤጀር ጀነራል ዑመር ጠዊል ዝኣመሰሉ ድሒሮም ዝተመቝሑ ካልኦትን ናብ ፋርኔሎ ኢሳይያስ ስዒቡዎም።

ኢሳይያስ እምብኣር፣ ነቲ ዋናታቱ ዘለዉዎ መዛግብቲ ታሪኽ ሽሕ ግዜ እንተገንጸሎ ፈጺሙ ጅግና ክኸውን ኣይክእልን እዩ።

ኢሳይያስ ከምቲ ሓዲሩዎ ዘሎ ኣመል፣ ብምጽምብል ሓርነት ባጽዕ ጀሚሩ፣ ምድምሳስ ናደው ሓሊፉ ናብ ምድምሳስ ውቃው እዝ በጺሑ ‘ሎ። ኣብ መዓልቲ ናጽነትን 20 ሰነን ‘ውን ከም ኣመሉ መዝገብ ጅግንነት ተጋደልቲ እናገናጸለ ንህዝቢ ከደናግር ፈተንኡ ክቕጽል እዩ። ፋይዳ ግን ክረኽበሉ ኣይኮነን። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሕጂ ዓጂቡዎ ብርሰት ይቶም ብሰንኪ ዓመጽ ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ ኣብ ጉዕዞ ስደት ዝሃልቁ ደቁን ዕንወት ሃገሩን እምበር ምድምሳስ እዝታት ሰራዊት ስርዓት ደርግ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፣ ነታ ንኢሳይያስ ሒዛቶ ዘላ ናይ መወዳእታ ሱር ንምብታኽ በላሕ ምሳር ሃሰስ ኣብ ምባል እዩ ዝርከብ ዘሎ።

እቶም ኣብ ገድሊ ጅግንነት ፈጺሞም ሕጂ መሳርሒ ምልካዊ መግዛእቲ ኢሳይያስ ብምዃን ሕልናኦም ዘቋማጥዑ ዘለዉ ናይ ምግባር ዓቕሚ ዘለዎም ኣዘዝትን ተኣሰዝትን ተጋደልቲ ከኣ ነቲ ደቁ ቆጺሩ ዘረከቦም ውጹዕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተኣምራታዊት ምሳር ከዳልዩዎ ኣለዎም።

ብሪጋደር ጀነራላት ቫይናክን ሃንጀማን፣ ነቲ ባዕላቶም ኣብ ዓውደ ኵናት ዝፈጸሙዎ ጅግንነት ኢሳይያስ ተገልቢጡ ከዘንትወሎም ኣብ ዘዳለዎ ጽምብል ክሳተፉ፣ ጽምብል ከይሓልፎም ከርክቡ እናጎየዩ እዮም ያኢ ኣብ መንገዲ ጠፊኦም። ብሪጋደር ጀነራል ሓሊባይ ከኣ ዓዲ ውዒሉ። ሜጀር ጀነራል ፍሊጶስ ከኣ ኣብ ስነስርዓት ቀብሮም መዓርግ ጀነራል ብኢሳይያስ ተለጢፉዎ፣ ተካኢ ናይቲ ኣብ ኣብ ዓራት ሞት ከሎ፣ ሓላቓ ስታፍ ዝተሾመ ሜጀር ጀነራል ውጩ ኮይኑ። ሜጀር ጀነራል ወዲ ሃብተስላሰ፣ ነቲ ካብ ማንቲለ ንኢሱ ዘሎ ኢሳይያስ ከዕቢ፣ ናብ ናይ ድሕሪ 40 ዓመታት ናይ ታዕሊም እዋኑ ተመሊሱ፣ ንኢሳይያስ ኣብ ሩባ ምስ ረኣኹዎ ኢየሱስ ዝረኣኹ ኮይኑ ተሰሚዑኒ ኢሉ ንኢሳይያስ ብዝኽሩ ከጸባብቖ ኣብ ቴለቭዥን ወስለትለት ክብል ምስምዑ ኸኣ ካብ ናይ ኩሎም ዝገደደ ውርደት። ኣንቱም ሰባት እንታይ እዩ ወሪዱኩም፣ ነቲ ዝወደቐ ኢሳይያስ ከተተንስኡ ኣብ መዋድቖኡ ተነጺፍኩም ሶል ክትኮኑዎ ትከራኸሩ ዘለኹም? ጅግንነትኩም ኣብ ዝኾነ እዋን ጅግንነት እዩ፣ ብሕልናዊ ረኽሲ እንተበላሽዉዎ ዘለኹም ባዕልኹም ኢኹም። ሓደ ሓደ እዋን ታሪኽ ካብ ምስራሕ ታሪኽ ምቕናዕ ከምዝኸብድ ተገንዚብኩም፣ ሕልናኹም ክትሓጽቡ ፈትኑ። ነቲ ኣሽሓት ምሩጻት ደቁ ኣሚኑ ዚሃበኩም ውጹዕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ደንግጹሉ፣ ክሓሱዎ። በራጊድኩም፣ ክፍለ ሰራዊታትኩም ሰበን ብጥይት ተወዲኡ ክንደይ ሳዕ ከምዝተካእኩመን ኣይትረስዑዎ። ነቲ ተኣማሚኑ ደቁ ዘረከበኩም፣ ውጹዕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ደንደስ ጥፍኣት ድሕነት እናለመነ፣ ይርዳእካ ኣይትበሉዎ። ምርቕኡ እንተደሊኹም ኣብ ርድኡዎ፣ ጭካኔኹም ውልቃዊ በለጽኩም እንተቐድምኩም ግን መርገሙ ክበጽሓኩም እዩ።

ዎ ውጹዕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ! ኢሳይያስ ከምቲ ዝጠፈሸ ነጋዳይ መዝገብ ታሪኽ እንተገናጸለ ከታልለካ ከምዘይክእል ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። መኻዚኖ ሕድገታትካ ከምዝተወድአ ‘ውን ዘማትእ ኣይኮነን። ግን ጸገምካ ተራ ከምዘይኮነ ክትግንዘብ፣ ህጹጽነት ናይዚ ሓኒቑካ ዘሎ መዋእል ኣጸቢቕካ ክክትነቕሓሉ ይግባእ። ኢሳይያስ እቲ ዝሓሰመን ዝኣከየን ገዛኢኻ ምዃኑ ኣስተውዕለሉ። ምራቕካ ገፊፉ ስለዘዳኸመካ፣ ሓመድ-ሓፋሽ መንእሰያት ደቅኻ፣ ገርገራአን ከም ዝፈረሰ፣ ጓሳ ከምዘይብለን ጥሙያት ብጋይት ካብ ደንቢኦም በሪሮም ናብ መላእ ዓለም ይብተኑ፣ ብዙሓት ካብኣቶም ኣብ መንገዲ ስደት ይሃልቁ፣ ይዋረዱ ‘ለዉ። ሃገር ትበርስ ኣላ። ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ኣብ ቅድሜኻ ዘሎ እንኮ ሕቶ “ኤርትራ ዶ ኢሳይያስ ይሃሉ?” ዝብል እዩ። ኢሳይያስ፣ “ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ህልም ይበል ድሕረይ ሳዕሪ ኣይትብቆላ” ኢሉካ እዩ። እቲ ውሳኔ እምብኣር ናትካ እዩ፣ ብዘይነግፈረግ፣ ንኢሳይያስ “በጃ ኤርትራ ‘ባ ንስኻ 10 ማዕሙቕ ተኸተት” ክትብሎ ይግባእ።

ምልኪ ይፍረስ ሕጊ ይንገስ!

ኣማኑኤል ኢያሱ

14 መጋቢት 2014

 

 

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ኤሪትራውያን ካብ ቃልሲ ናብ ቃልሲ – 4ይ ክፋል

Eritreans_4th

አወዳድባ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ከምይ ይምስል ዝብል ሕቶ፣ ንዝኾነ ደላዪ ፍትሒ ዝምልከት ሕቶ እዩ። ዝኾነ ኤሪትራዊ ክውደብ
ከሎ ፤ ዕላማ ስለ ዘለዎ፣ ዕላምኡ ንምውቃዕን ፡ አወዳድብኡ ዕዉትን ግብራውን ክኸውን ኢሉ እዩ ዝውደብ ። ኩሉ ግዜ ፡ አወዳድባ
ክንብል ከለና ፡ ናይ ብዙሕነት ህዝቢ እዩ ዘመልክት።

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Djibouti hands 267 Eritreans over to UNHCR

DJIBOUTI_Prisoners

By Abebech Tamene, Monday, April 14, 2014

ADDIS ABABA — The Djiboutian government has handed 267 Eritreans, seized during a three-day border conflict in 2008, over to the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), presidential adviser Najib Ali Tahir said Monday.
“Some of them are military deserters and prisoners of the Djibouti-Eritrea war, which broke out on June 10, 2008,” Tahir told Anadolu Agency.
Tahir said the Eritreans were technically under Djibouti’s protection, going on to note that “there are [another] 19 prisoners of war (POWs) temporarily under our protection.”
“We have made them talk to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to facilitate their return to their country, and we’re doing this despite the fact that we never heard of Djibouti’s POWs,” Tahir said.
U.N. Special Envoy to the African Union Ambassador Haile Menkerios welcomed the announcement.
“Eritreans and Djiboutians are brotherly people,” Menkerios  told Anadolu Agency via phone. “No political tension between the governments of the two countries should affect the peoples.”
Djibouti and neighboring Eritrea have twice engaged in border conflicts. In April 1996, they almost went to war after a Djiboutian official accused Eritrea of shelling the town of Ras Doumeira.
Three years later in 1999, Eritrea accused Djibouti of siding with its longstanding rival, Ethiopia, while Djibouti counter-accused Eritrea of supporting rebels fighting against its government.
As a result, Djibouti recalled its ambassador and broke off relations with Eritrea, which weren’t fully restored until 2001.
The two countries clashed again for three days in June of 2008, leading to another deterioration of ties and a U.N. embargo on Eritrea.
Copyright © 2014 Anadolu Agency
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Dialog with Yosief Ghebrehiwet on his “The Eritrean Oblomov: Loving Asmara the Superfluous Way” 03/24/2014

Fitsim_new
Fetsum: Author of From Feminist to Rapist and The Curse of Being and Living ItYou can find the books at Amazon Books.
Announcement: I am going to do my one man band musical show on May 2 in DC and expose my original music and you are all invited to attend it spiritually if not physically. My special guests happen to be Yemane Barya, Usman Abdulrahim, Tewelde Redda and Teddy Afro. I believe art has to reflect human condition in a given society and these true artists in my opinion have been serving the Eritrean cause for independence and its current quest for freedom and democracy. As for Teddy Afro, I respect his artistic contribution in building peace between Moslems and Christians, and the Ethiopians and the Eritreans.
Narrative: Trying to spot the best Eritrean minds and collecting them to act for practical change in the country with a well defined strategy does not allow you bypassing Yosief Gebrehiwet who has relentlessly been assisting this resistance way before we started speaking out openly. Today, I feel comfortable discussing his latest article at Asmarino and hopefully we will start working together in the process. I will challenge Yosief Gebrehiwet on something special at the end of our exchange of opinions on this article only if he calls me. Enjoy the show!
Yosief: “Given the 50 years of hell that they have gone through, … one that renders [the Gedhli generation] superfluous to the society, is their adamant refusal to adapt to the emerging reality. So what seems to be activity under superfluous description remains to be total inactivity under relevant description. That is, they were willing to go through hell in order to stay “relevant” through irrelevant attributes only.”
Comment: Yosief’s mind is sometimes hard to figure out because it makes you think deeper than the norm eventually landing you in whatever way you may understand the real point. It is from this angle that I am taking a shot at his intellectual radiation. I have a little problem with said activity under said superfluous description because the first imposed Ethiopian contact with the Eritreans after the Italian colonialism that caused the struggle (activity in this context) was not based on superfluous imagination but rather on rationally describable facts so to say, for the Eritreans had to react to the Ethiopian interference one way or another. I believe there was a rational reason for the Eritrean struggle despite the disgusting result while I agree that today’s Eritrean reality with said Gedhli generation has been said inactivity under relevant description. Inactivity in this context being the regime’s uncultured mentality of sticking to absolute dictatorship and ignorance while the relevant descriptions of today’s interconnected universe remain to be education, democracy, freedom, development and civilized governance under the rule of law. I could have misunderstood your articulation and please reverse me if you think so.
Yosief: “Wings on a rabbit, flapping or not, wouldn’t make it soar high up in the sky; to the contrary, it would mercilessly pin it down to the ground that it wouldn’t even be able to move, let alone run. Education has provided the African elite with such superfluous wings; yet, whenever the occasion arises, they love to show them off by flapping them while rendered immobile by the sheer weight of those epiphenomenal wings. And when a nation is taken under their wings, a whole population finds itself pinned down to the ground – as Eritrea finds itself now.”
Comment: A scholar can achieve degrees after degrees but one remains useless to society and a parasite as well if the knowledge is only advertised on the living room walls through well framed certificates without positively affecting the society in relevance. Capsulating knowledge within the self is a terrible thing to do. Interesting is that useless intellectualism is a heavier burden to society than anything else can ever be because a given society, the universe at large pays dearly to educate an individual to PhD level of the academic stratum (probably more than 20 years in time and millions of dollars in expenditures). One can then imagine the waste and the parasitic relationship between a quietist scholar and the society/societies that molded one to be scholarized. The universal investment on a quietist intellectual produces zero output or sheer uselessness in this situation.
To make it worse, opportunist scholars in a given society always serve the oppressors becoming part of the collective social problem. The parasitic relationship intensifies in this situation from uselessness to dangerousness because opportunism as such does not stop at uselessness point of the relationship but also explodes against the society by serving the enemy at the brain level of its system. An opportunist scholar should then be the heaviest burden of society for simultaneously attacking it with the lethal curse of uselessness and dangerousness.
Yosief: “In a rather haunting déjà vou scenario, the going away and the coming back of the ghedli generation had the same structural similarity in their superfluity that makes us question the relevance of the time in between. When they went to Sahel, they went armed with their urban elite experiences (that “modern” attribute they thought essentially distinguishes them from the Other) but found no use for it in the new environment; instead, they had to do everything through sheer brutality to stay relevant. In the process, whatever “modern values” they had cherished before gave way to new values acquired at mieda. That is, temekro muhur had lethally metamorphosed into temekro mieda, with superfluity as the enduring common characteristic that ties them both in their deep family resemblance. Thus, when they reentered Asmara in triumph, they came back armed with the most superfluous attribute that would find no currency at all in modern day Eritrea: temekro mieda. And here is the crux of the matter: both temekros could be sustained only by rendering the ghebar invisible – a precondition for the brutalities to follow.”
Comment: Brilliant and interesting summary: It just seems like the Eritrean people have been sandwiched between the two seemingly inappropriate applications to their concrete realities: temekro muhur during the struggle andtemekro mieda after independence. The two temekuros like you put it very well appear similar in contradictive relationship with the two Eritrean realities in their respective eras; the ultimate result on the society being exactly the same in quality: misfit and destructive! The other constant element in your analysis of this topic was that the two misplaced theories had to be implemented by violence. Violence is the only means of implementing a misfit ideology in society as you clearly taught it in your magnificent work, meaning that the Eritrean people twice suffered the liberators’ violence as the consequence of said gedli generation’stheoretical and practical flip-flopping in inverse relationship to their realities in the respective eras on discussion.
Yosief: “As in the case of the Russian gentry, the “liberators” adamantly refused to adapt to the new reality because it would require giving up their privileged status. Instead, not only had they been trying to do everything through temekro mieda, they went as far as attempting to recreate it nationally in the form of national service. The sheer incompatibility of temekro mieda to modern day Eritrea, one that has brought the nation nothing but one monumental disaster after another, is a result of this strange belief that this epiphenomenal experience could accomplish miracles on its own. “
Comment: The concept of liberation was all together misplaced for strictly territorial independence in view of the leader/s of the struggle while misunderstood for having been for freedom and democracy in view of the people. Liberation starts right at the home base within the liberator’s inner individuality. How can a confined individual liberate others? A person that is not mentality free cannot understand the meaning of freedom nor can one cause the freedom of others. In so saying, individualism is the most obvious symptom of a confined mind and Mr. Afwerki failed to secure freedom for Eritreans because he is a chronic sufferer of the syndrome: too precarious a man to himself to hardly help other human conditions in his environment.
I believe your detailed work on the golden age of Asmara, Asmara and the Gedhli generation, and Interrupting Asmara’s growth, were outstanding in quality. I was surprised how detailed you infiltrated into the elements that constitute your highly educational material. You have a special capacity of delivering so much information in exceptionally compressed volume, extraordinary talent in creative-description of subject matters needless to say that you have defined a reference mark for philosophical excellence, in my opinion. I appreciate and thank you for sharing your mind with us Eritreans in such a fearless and intellectual fashion. I was even more fascinated by your analysis inPurifying Asmara based on the relationship between the Khmer Rouge and the Shabias in villagizing the city by sucking out the elite class to SAWA for ultimate refugee life and between North Korea and the Shaebias in changing its demographic face making it the home of predominantly women and PFDJ members. Your input was an excellent effort that clarifies a lot of complex issues about our predicament. Although the entire content of your article was important I found the following worth repeating here for people to briefly understand what has been going on. People who read the article can bypass this portion.
Yosief: “Purifying Asmara: No government has done a better job of the displacement policy than the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia. The total empting of the capital city – with more than two million inhabitants – within a day or so after their arrival was mainly motivated by the fierce hatred and resentment the Khmer Rouge guerrillas had developed for ghebar while they were “struggling against the oppressor” in the bush.
The Eritrean situation has never gotten as bad as the Khmer Rouge’s mainly because of the country’s porous borders19, but the anti-intellectual drive, and the venomous spite against ghebar that goes with it, that sent the Khmer guerrillas on a rampage to empty entire towns and cities of their inhabitants is the very same drive that made Shaebia empty the cities and towns of their youth. The entire youth population has been systematically emptied from the cities and towns and cordoned off in “mieda” under the name of national service; and, in due time, defending the nation and developing a “self-reliant” economy are meant to turn these internal exiles into the next generation of “Shaebia men” – all trademarks of the Khmer Rouge.
The question of purity doesn’t only deal with those targeted to be evicted, but also with those selected to remain in the city. Looking into this purification process, it would be revealing to check the inhabitants of North Korea’s capital city, Pyongyang, for that is what Asmara is increasingly looking like. Two of the demographic groups that mainly make up the population of Pyongyang are party members and women. The similarities with Asmara are rather striking.
Similarly, let’s ask: where are the adult men of Asmara to be found? They are either in the national service serving the army or outside the country, in refugee camps and beyond. “
Comment: Wow!
Yosief: “The coloinial mind of the urban elite: Sometimes I think that Asmara has done more psychological damage than good to the Eritrean elite, given that all their sense of betterment came from owning that city and all their revolutionary zeal from wanting to be the sole owners of that city. If so, that by itself would have been enough to trace the colonial mind of the ghedli generation.”
Comment: Very interesting thought entertainment! It seems to me that Asmara was taken by many Eritreans as a symbol of civilization compared to other societies and specially the Ethiopians. Before we knew it, something fallacious was installed into our psych in relation to beautiful Asmara as if we made it ourselves. As time went on, we grew believing that we constructed a better city than the rest in Ethiopia and framed a comparative psychological reference to all others based on this imaginary theory by which we cased in point as the most civilized people in the region and the continent at large. That is where we faced the contradiction between our assumption of the self (society) and reality.”
I also think we used Asmara as psychological defense mechanism against Addis Ababa which was growing at a faster rate. The imaginary Eritrean superiority to the Ethiopians was unconsciously radiating through extreme urge of eternally keeping Asmara better than Addis. The psychic connotation behind the urge for Eritreans to signify their importance vis a vis the Ethiopians through Asmara’s betterment than Addis was an interesting reality to confront because I was one of them. Although most of our people were modest enough to never have been affected by this complex psycho-phenomenon, I think it was very visible on those that lived highly exaggerating the essence of Asmarino and undermining the rest based on. The concept of Asmarino at a point in the experience appears having had the tendency to discriminate or to at least undermine the entire Eritrean population for backwardness (This may be common in many societies).
What we proved after independence was that we could not even keep the resources we inherited from colonialism forget about developing them ahead. We actually deteriorated everything inherited in Eritrea from education and economy to technology at home court: One inherited university gone and one inherited beach (Gorgussom) barely surviving. In the contrast, what the educated member of the society in Diaspora proved was even more troublesome to me. It was actively participating with remarkable conformist determination to the fronts during the struggle for independence but so inactive and terrified it has been in this resistance for freedom and democracy.
Our performance after independence proved that Asmara as a city and the rest of Italian made Eritrea do not represent the Eritrean reality in terms of capacity and maintenance. We still have to show that we were capable of leading a healthy nation as the fruit of our independence through our own home based development instead of through the colonial legacy in Eritrea. Sadly, we did not get the chance to challenge this predicament because of the unexpected absolute dictatorship and we are not working hard to reverse the situation Out scholars with all their capacities could not collectively take a project and put a transitional formula on paper, something the least they could, to the disgrace of the Eritrean society. I hope they will do it from now on but the motion is still very slow compared to the time sensitive Eritrean situation.
Yosief: All that I have been trying do in this posting is to remind readers that life in both urban and rural Eritrea was normal before it was interrupted by ghedli, thereby attempting to debunk the great lie that the ghedli romantics have been feeding the masses: that the case of Eritrea is that of colonial oppression. “
Comment: Colonialism as something related to the Eritrean experience had been an over exhausted subject matter by both Eritrean and Ethiopian elites since the start of the Eritrean struggle for independence. This subject cannot be precisely figured out. Any intruder is a colonizer to me, immaterial what others may call the situation. It is not a direct phenomenon that can be mathematically answered or proven. I think colonialism is effectuated mainly due to capacity to finance it and to hold it by force which both the Italians and the Ethiopians had in relation to Eritrea irrespective of their difference in race, technology and treatment of the people under control.
The concept is open for philosophical entertainment by any thinker. Back in the days, the Ethiopian students’ movement lived trying to categorize whether the Eritrean question was colonial or national. To me it was both, though of course the topic is beyond this discussion which I did in detail in my book (the curse of being and living it). The fact remains that it does not matter anymore 23 years after the Eritrean independence was actualized and in front of its universally accepted sovereignty. The unique African experience, the Southern Sudanese independence needless to say totally over justifies the Eritrean independence that was caused by European colonialism at the root point of the matter. The Southern Sudan independence is to date the only exceptional happenstance in Africa: evolution of a society to nation hood through the foundation of a NATIONAL question. This was so because the former Sudan was colonized by the British as a whole piece and thus the southern part succeeded from the Sudan without the conventionally understood colonial justification (associated with the Arabic Sudanese) merely on the basics of NATIONAL QUESTION. This is unprecedented in Africa if I am correct.
Yosief: “Paradoxically, it is the ghedli generation that has been displaying all the characteristics of colonists – that is, starting from the very Cause itself, not as caused by colonial oppression but by colonial inspiration. If there is anything that could define colonialism as it occurred in Africa and elsewhere, it is the fact that it was an unparalleled interruption in the way of life of the colonized people. “
Comment: To me, conditioning the Eritrean political system under the Ethiopian monarchy by itself signified Ethiopia’s daily interference in the Eritrean life of the time. We were forced to learn Amharic as a national language and Ethiopianized in very controversial circumstances. We were made to tax to the Ethiopian central government and our ports utilized by the Ethiopian navy and shipping lines needless to say that the people suffered a lot as the consequence of the struggle which you tried to see in isolation from its root cause, Emperor Hailesselassie’s interference in the Eritrean socio-political life. The struggle would never have taken place at least in its actual form and focal point without the Ethiopian interference in the Eritrean society’s private business. We may never have experienced Afwerki’s dictatorship without the root cause of the struggle which was Ethiopia’s imposing contact with our society. The truth remains, however, that we suffered more intensely under this regime as you clearly put it with convincing authority. The Gedli generation is a colonizer in view of the current Eritrean situation. Colonialism cannot do worse damage in any society than what the Shabias did to our society.
I believe the Eritrean question having been colonial or national is outdated as a result of Eritrea’s nationhood. The argument has died out without concrete resolution 50 years after the confrontation between the two camps (national or colonial) as a consequence of the Eritrean independence which is legally actualized forever. I don’t see any advantage in discussing these issues at this stage in our experience where the independence has completely closed the topic leaving it for historians and social scientists to write books on ahead and the Ethiopians accepted our sovereignty without any visible complication.
In philosophy’s realm of the spirit there is no objective certainty and no confirmation. Communication is the path to truth”, said Jaspers; whatever the truth may be relative to the particular conditions that cause its existence. The truth in this situation being whether the Eritrean question was colonial or national.
The question of right and wrong or that of true or false is so elusive, it can force one into conscious or unconscious breaching of other people’s perceptional territories. At the bottom line, however, there is no such thing as objective truth or reality in the socio-philosophical spectrum of life for no human nature can measure a concept or an outlook in pieces: it can only deal with it through elucidations or subjective truth. The moment we freely exhaust all possible constants and variables of something without bias to our individual opinions we have relatively reached the best limits of absolute truth only in relative scale in that regard. The fact remains that subjectivity cannot always represent objectivity nor can it be fully expressed by a person’s individual feelings and preconditions for the universe does not revolve around an individual’s concept of reality. Objective reality is achievable by arresting individual interest in favor of universally valid standards. No subjective outlook focused on making objective impact can succeed without appreciating the notion that human beings react to different situations differently by natural fabric. Arguing about whether something is true or not does not change the real nature of a subject matter in examination for nothing satisfies everybody else equally. “People may keep looking for the right answer, but there is no right answer. Everything is relative rather than absolute. That is the answer”, says LAMA SURYA DAS in Awakening the Buddha within.
What I think is that philosophy as open ended phenomenon has never had and can never have a precise answer. Human beings have never completely agreed on a concept that cannot be empirically proven, they only compromised. No one can prove whether the Eritrean question was colonial or national with absolute authority for the terms themselves cannot define the associated reality in complete format. But every commonsense can agree on a reality that materially projects itself in concrete existentialism. We cannot deny the existence of a rock displayed in front of our eyes nor can we deny that Afwerki was the president of Eritrea. By the same token, no one can deny the sovergnity of Eritrea immaterial whether its question was colonial or national. What matters most is what we need right now to have a better society and how!
History must locally move forward positively impacting a society for further universal impact which our immediate priority in our case is democratizing the country and then moving on forward resiliently confronting whatever may come in the way in relation to the continental development as a family with all other African societies (Pan Africanism, Regional Integration, etc.). Right now, however, everything including our history is secondary to our freedom. We need to concentrate on our immediate priority TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT TO DEMOCRACY full-fledged ahead because this challenge is our concrete reality leaving our account overall for social scientists to write books on for future generations.
In conclusion, the momentous universal truth is that there is a dire need to clean the so said Gedhli temokro poison replacing it with a normal society that conforms to the sociopolitical and technological realities of the universe through the power of intellectual intervention. There is an independent nation called Eritrea suffering from the worst form of absolute dictatorship that needs the immediate attention of its intellectuals to transit it to democracy irrespective of what the cause of its struggle for independence had been. There is a nation called Eritrea that must independently move on forward from here on immaterial what happened in the past with external forces and regardless of how it achieved independence.
Our concrete reality is that there is a big role brother Yosief Gebrehiwet can play if he pays attention to our suggestion: Designing Eritrea’s transitional formula to democracy based on the Accra Peace Accord that transited Liberia into democracy. I am asking you with maximum humility to join me in the development of the transitional formula with other highly educated Eritreans currently contemplating on. I am appealing for your phone call as soon as possible so that I can share what I am trying to do with my fellow compatriots and put your extra ordinary intelligence into effect to energize it into the next level of resistance. Please call me at 202-702-3977after you first text me so that I can respond immediately.
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ፈሊጥና ንኹን ከይፈለጥና ደቂስና ኣለና!

Mike_emba

ኣቦዋት ክምስሉ እናፈለጠ ዝሞተስ እናሰመዐ ቅበሮ ኢዩ፡፡ ብዘይ ቀልዓለም ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ሎሚ እናፈለጥና ኢና ንመውት ንጠፍእ ንበታተን ዘለና፡፡ እቲ ድሕረይ ዋላ ሳዕሪ እውን  ኣይትብቆላ ብምባል ሱር መሰረትና ሓግሒጉ ከጥፍኣና ዘንቀደ ኢሳይያስ ድማ እናሰማዕና ኢዩ ምስ ትንፋስና ዝቐብረና ዘሎ፡፡ ኣረ እናታይ ኢና ንኸውን ዘለና….? እንታይ ክሳብ ንኸውን ኢና ድምጽና ዓቢስና ኣእዳውና ኣጣሚርና ንምጾታትና ንጽበ ዘለና….? ነቲ ቀታልን በታታንን ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንይምሰል ንቃለሶ ኣለና ካብ ንብል ሓያለይ ዓመታት ንኾንቱ ባኺኑ ኢዩ፡፡ ነቲ ሰላምን ራህዋን ክርኢ ሃንቀው ዝብል ዘሎ ሓፋሽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ግን ንእሽቶ ጩራ ብርሃን ንተስፋ እውን ከነርእዮ ኣይከኣልናን፡፡ ይቃለሱ ዘይኮኑ ዘለዉ ይነብሩ ኢዮም ዘለዉ ኣብ ምባል እውን ተበጺሑ፡፡

ከም ነገር ሓባኢ ቁስሉ ሓባኢ ፈውሱ ክንከውን የብልናን፡፡ እቲ ናብ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ጥራይ ኣቕኒዕናዮ ዘለና መስትያት ምስልናን ተግባርናን ክንፍልጥን ክርእየሉን  ናባና እውን ከነዝሮ ኣለና፡፡ ነብስናን ኣካይዳናን ክንፍትሽን ክንምርምርን ኣለና፡፡ ካብ ምቅዋም ሓሊፍና ንኸይንቃለስ ዝኽልክለናን ዝዕንቅፈናን ዘሎ ንረብሓ ውልቀ ሰባት ዝተደኮነ ዘየፋላልየና መፈላየይታት ክንስዕሮን ነቶም ኣብዚ ሕዛእቲʼዚ ተሸጊጦም ሕምስምስ ዘእትዉልና ዘለዉ ብዝሰመረ ድምጺ ኣይፋልኩምን ክንብልን ክንክእል ኣለና፡፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ካብዚ ኣንጸላልዩና ዘሎ ናይ ጥፍኣት ደበና ብኸመይ ብዝቐልጠፈ ንድሕን ገዲፎም፡ ኣብ ጽልእን ቅርሕንትን ዝተነድቐ  ፖለቲካዊ ኣጀንደኦም ሸንኮለል ዘቡሉና ዘለዉ፡ ዋላኳ ካብ ቃልሲ ጡረታ ክንብሎም ዝኸብድ እንተኾነ፡ ከምቲ ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ስልጣን ናብ ህዝቢ ከረክቦ ኣለዎ እንብሎ፡ እቶም ብዜካ ምምራሕ ተመሪሖም ክኸዱ ፍጹም ፍቓደኛታት ዘይኮኑ ኣብዝሓ መራሕቲ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ብጊደኦም መቐይሮ ከምጽኡ ንእሽቶ ተስፋ ክሶኽዑልና ካብ ዘይከኣሉ ንኽመርሕ ዝኽእል ከረክብዎ ኣለዎም፡፡

ጸላኢ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ምዃኑ እንተ ኣሚናሉን ኣስሚርናሉን ናብ ጓል መገዲ ዘኺደና ነገራት ብፍጹም የለን፡፡ የግዳስ ኣብ ባይታ ንርእዮ ዘለና ጭቡጥ ኣካይዳ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ግን፡ ኣዲኣ ገዲፋስ ሓትነኣ ትናፍቕ ዝዓይነቱ ኢዩ፡፡ ነቲ ቀንዲ ጸላኢ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ረሲዕና ንሕድሕድና ከም ኣናብራ ዓሳ ክንበላላዕን ክንወናጀልን ነባኽኖ ግዜ ነጥፍኦ ገንዘብ ኢቲ ዝበዘሐ ኢዩ፡፡ ሎሚ ሓደ ነገር ኣንፈት ሒዙ ኢልካ ተስፋ ትገብር፡፡ ኣይ ሰሙን ኣይሳልስቲ እቶም ጽቡቕ አንተራኣዩ ውቃቤኦም ዝለዓሎም ጋንግሪን ዝገበሩ መራሕቲ ደምበ ተቓውሞ መስአን በሊሕ ፋስን ተዓጢቆም ከፍርስዎን ክቖራርጽዎን ትርኢ፡፡ እዋእ እንታዩ ኢዩ ዝግበር ዘሎ፡፡ ከምዚ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ዝኸዶ ዘሎ ዘይተነጸረ ሓበጀረዋይ ጉዕዞ ኣብ ዓለም ምሉእ እውን ኣይተራኣየን፡፡ ከም መእሰሪ ዘይብሉ ማእዶ ኮይና ተበታቲና ንህግደፍ ክንኣልዮን ህዝብን ሃገርን ካብ ምጽናትን ምብትታንን ከነድሕኖ ድማ ሕልሚ ኢዩ፡፡ እዚ ፍጹም መቐይሮ ከምጽእ ዘይክእል ፋሕ ፋሕ ዝበለ ናይ ደቂ ዛግራ ኣካይዳና ድማ ኢዩ ይቃለሱ ዘይኮኑ ይነብሩ ኢዮም ዘለዉ ዘብለና፡፡ ምንባርን ምቅላስን በበይኑ ስለ ዝኾነ፡፡

ብዙሓት ካብቶም ብልቢ ብቕንዕና ሕልንኦም ገዲድዎም ክቃለሱ ዝደልዩ ኣብ ምቅዋም ተሓጾሮም ዘለዉ፡ በቶም እናፈለጡ ደቂሶም ዘለዉ ብቕዓት ኣመራርሓ ዝጎደሎም መራሕቲ ደምበ ተቓውሞ፡ ንሶም እውን ከይፈለጡ ደቂሶም ምህላዎም ዘማትእ ኣይኮነን፡፡ “እንታይ እሞ ክንገብር ዝመርሓና ስኢና! ምስማር እኮ ኣብዮም! እንተዝሓብሩ ከምዝን ከምዝን እንተዝገብሩ ንሕና እውን እቲ ዝግበር ምገበርና!” ዝብሉ ደለይቲ ዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ እቶም ዝበዝሑ ኢዮም፡፡ በቶም እናፈለጡ ዝደቀሱ ተጸልዮም ከይፈለጡ ደቂሶም ምህላዎም ንባዕሎም ኣየስተባሃሉን ዘለዉ፡፡ ስለምንታይ ተጸበይቲ ጥራይ ንኸውን…? ስለምንታይ ክንመርሕን መቐይሮ ክንገብርን ከም ንኽእል ንነብስና ዘይነእምና….? ስለምንታይ ነቶም ሱር ዝሰደዱ ዓንቀፍቲ ድሕሪ ደጊም ይኣክል! ዝብል ሓባራዊ ድምጺ ዘይነስምዕ..? ስለምንታይ ነቲ ኣብ ህልኽን ቅርሕንትን ዝተሰረተ ዘየሰጉም ዝበለየ ኣተሓሳስባ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ያዕ ኢልና ሰፊሕን ህዝባዊ ሰረት ዘለዎን ናይ መቃለሲ ባይታ ክንፈጥርን ከነንጽፍን ወንን ትብዓትን ዘይንዕጠቕ…? በቲ ንበሎ በቲ ፈሊጥና ንኹን ከይፈለጥና ደቂስና ኢና ዘለና፡፡

ሓደ ካብቲ ንኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ኣብ ናይ እንታይ ገደሰኒ ዘይቅኑዕ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣእትዩ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ንመሰረታዊ ፍታሕ ንልብያን ሰሃራን ንሲናይን ባሕርን ንኸምርሕ ዝዳርጎ ዘሎ፡ ተስፋ ዘይብሉ ኣካይዳ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኢዩ፡፡ ተስፋ ዘለዎ ነገር ምስ ሰኣነ ሚእቲ ካብ ሚእቲ ሓደጋ ኣብ ዘለዎ ነገር ኣትዩ፡ ንህይወቱ ንሞት ኣረኪቡ፡ ብተኣምራት ከም ገለ እንተደሓነ ካብ ኣይፈተንካን ፈቲነ ንምባል፡ ናይ ዓቕሊ ጽበት ውሳነ ኢዩ ንርሑቕ ማዕዶ ስደት ከም ዘቋምት ዝገብሮ ዘሎ፡፡ ንብዙሓት ተወኪሰ ዝረኸብኩዎ መልሲ ዘሕዝን ኢዩ፡፡ “ምተቓለስና ጽባሕ ንግሆʼሞ መንʼዩ ክመጽእ…?” መልሲ ዘይብሉ ዝተንጠልጠለ ሕቶ ኢዩ፡፡ ተስፍኡ ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኣዝዩ ዝማህመነ ኢዩ፡፡ ስለምንታይ…..? እቲ መልሲ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ድርዕቶ ተጎምጊሙ እናፈለጠ ደቂሱ ስለ ዘሎ ኢዩ፡፡ ዋዕላ ቃሊቲ፡ ዋዕላ ምሁራን ግዮን፡ ጉባኤ ኣዋሳ፡ መኣዲ ዘተ ደብረዘይቲ፡ ሰሚት ቦለኛ፡ መድረኽ …….. ወዘተ ኩሎም ጽቡቕ ኣስማት ለቢሶም ግን ከኣ ደቂሶም ዘለዉ ስራሓት ኢዩም፡፡ ስለምንታይ…..? እቲ ዝዕንቅፍ ዘሎ መን እንታይʼዩ..?

እቲ ቀንዲ ጸገምና እንታይ ኢዩ ሓቲትናሉን ሓሲብናሉን ንፈልጥ ዶ…? እቶም ንኽመርሑናን ከማእዙኑናን እንመርጾም መራሕቲ ብሕኸኸኒ ክሓከካ ብቲፎዞይ ቲፎዞኻ ኣብ ቦታ ሓላፍነት ኮፍ ነብሎም ስለ ዝለና ኢዩ፡፡ እንትርፎ ንጉጅለ ንዕብይ ዝበለ እኩብ ሃገራዊ ሓይሊ ክመርሑ ዘይክእሉ፡ ብቕዓትን ክእለትን ጹረትን ዝጎደሎም ስለ ዝኾኑ ኢዮም፡፡ ስለ ዝኾነ ቃልስና ክዕወት ህዝብን ሃገርን ካብ ጥፍኣትን ምብትታንን ከነድሕኖ፡ እቲ ናይ ሞትን ማእሰርትን ግልያነትን ሕሱም እዋን ህግደፍ ከነሕጽሮ፡ ሒዞምና ዝድቅሱ መራሕቲ ዘይኮና ክንመርጽ ዘለና፡ ካርዝማቲክ ዝኾኑ፡ ኣሚኖም ዝእመኑ፡ ዓብይ ልቦናን ሰፊሕ ኣመለኻኽታን ዝውንኑ፡ ካብ ናይ ህልኽን ቅርሕንትን ኣከያይዳ ነጻ ዝኾኑ፡ ንሰባት ብኽእለቶምን ፍልጦቶምን ብቕዓቶምን እምበር ብመልክዖምን ኣለባብሶኦምን ዘይመዝኑ፡ ንጉጅለ ዘይኮነ ሰፊሕ ህዝባዊ ሰረት ዘለዎ ግንባር ክመርሑን ከዓውቱን ዓቕሚ ዘለዎም መራሕቲ ክንመርጽ ኣለና፡፡ ኣይኮነን ካብቲ ፈሊጥና ዲና ከይፈለጥና ደቂስናዮ ዘለና ካብ ሞት ዘይንእስ ከቢድ ድቃስ ክንባራበር ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን፡፡ ሕጂ ውን ከምቶም ዝሓለፉ ዋዕላታት ኣኼባታት ምግባሮም ዘይተርፍ ኢዩ፡፡ ኣብቲ ዝግበር ኣኼባታት በቶም እናፈለጡ ደቂሶም ዘለዉ መራሕቲ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንሕና እውን ምስኦም ተሰሪዕና ንኽንድቅስ ዝወሃብ መደቀሲ ከኒና ውሒጥና ንድቅስ እንተድኣ ኮይና ምቅላስና ፍረ ኣይክህልዎን ኢዩ፡፡ ፈሊጥና ንኹን ከይፈለጥና ደቂስና ኢና ዘለና፡፡ ዝደንዘዘ ሰብነትና ማይ ዝሑል ነፍስሰሉ ንበራበር፡፡

ሚኪኤል እምባየ (ኣራንቺ)

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ከም ህጻን ክንኽነኽ!

ሎሚ መዓልቲ ሰንበት ድሕሪ ሰዓት ክልተ
ዋዛን ቁውም ነገርን ኩሉ ዘካተተ
ኣብ ሰሙን ዚዳሎ ብዮናታን ሃብተ
ይሰምዕ ነበርኩ ኤረና ከፊተ!
ንሰብን ጥሪትን ዓይነት ከይፈለየት
ንኹሉ ብሓባር ድምጹ እናኣቃለሐት
ብጥዑም ሙዚቃ እናዘናገዐት
ልዕሊ ክልተ ሰዓት ማዕበል ምስ ተጓዕዘት
ተሌፎን ጭር ኢላ መርድእ ዝሓዘለት!
ኣብ መወዳእታ’ወ መደብ ዝዓጽወሉ
ናይ ርድኡና ኣውያት ስልኪ ተደዊሉ
ሓውና ኤርትራዊ ጸቢቡዎ ዓቕሉ
ብኽያት ምስ ጀመረ ኣብ መንጎ ዕላሉ
ልቢ ዮናታውን ብዙሕ ደንጊጹሉ
ምጻር ስኢኑዎ ነቢዑ ኣልቂሱሉ!
እጃሙ ዘበርክት ደላይ ፍትሒ ሰበይ
ኣየጎይልን ኢሉ ኣብ ጥፍኣት ናይ ህዝበይ
ከም ህጻን ክንኽነኽ ምስ ሰማዓ ኣእዛነይ
እቲ በቚቧቕ ከርሱ ተንኪፉዎ ልበይ
ከይተፈለጠኒ ውሒዘን ኣዒንተይ!
ኣሕዋቶም ብዓመጽ እናተደፈራ
ምጻሩ ስኢኖም ሕሰም ምስ መከራ
ኣሕዋትና ኣእውዮም ካብ ኣስዋን ካብ ሳፊራ
ርድኡና እናበሉ ኣብ ኣጻምእ ሳህራ
ኣብ ሳዕስዒት ኣሎ ህግደፋዊ ጭፍራ!
ኩሉ ግዜ ኣሎዎ ንራህዋን መከራን
ወወቕቱ ኣሎዎ እወ ንደርቅን ኣዝመራን፡
ስለዚ ኣሕዋተይ ኣስናንኩም ንኸሱ
ግዝያዊ ሽግርኩም ክርከብ’ዩ ፈውሱ
ራህዋ ይመጽእ ኣሎ ዘውዲ ፍትሒ ኣንጊሱ!
ብሽንሆት ንኽንነብር፡ ዕምሪ ምልኪ ነሕጽር!
ካብ ሓውኹም መሲናስ 14-04-2014
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ኣፈታትሓ፤ንማ ሕበራዊን ፖለትካዊን ግርጭታት ፣ኣብ መንጎና

conflict

ኣብ ዘመነ ኢንተርነት ብዛዕባ ኣብ ሃገርና ንዘሎ ዓቢ ተረኽቦናይ ውልቀ መላኽነትን ጥፈኣት ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያትናን፤ንሓያሎ  ግዜ ተዘሪቡሉስ ቀሊል መፍትሒ  ዛጊት ግን ኣይተረኽበሉን ዘሎ። ህልቂት መንእሰያትና መታን ከብቅዕ’ከ  እንታይኮን ይሓይሽ እናበልና ተደጋጋሚ፥ብጽሑፋትን ዛዕባታትን ከነካይድ ጸኒሕናን ጌናውን ፍንክት ከይበልና ኣሎና።ዓማጽን ጉሒላን ግን ጌና በምዑት ደቅና ይጻወቱን ይሸጡን፣ይቐትሉን አልዉ።

ነዚ  እከይ ተግባራት ጠጠው’ ምባልን፣ ኩነታት ሃገርና ካብ ባርነትን ህልቂትን፥ ህዝብና፤ ብሕልፊ ኸኣ ሂወት መንእሰያትና ዝድሕንሉን ንቡር ሂወቶም  ዝሰርዑሉን፤ ዘጣጥሑሉን ግዜ  ንምፍጣር ዘኽ እለና ኣብ ምውሓስ፤ ነዊሕን ኣህላኺን ግዜ ወሲዱልና።

እንሆ ድማ  23 ዓመታት ኣቕጺሩን  ይርከብ።መዋእል መንእሰይ ብኸልበትበት ይሓልፍ ስለዘሎ፣ብኸመይ ንቐይሮ ዝብሉ ብዙሓት ርእቶታት  ክወሃቡ  ጸኒሖም ኣለዉ፣እንተኾነ ዛጊት ቀንዲ መፍትሕ  ሽግርና ኣይተረኽበን።

እሞ ’ኸደኣ እንታይ ይገበር?

 

ፈውሲን ፍታሕን  ኢድ   ናይ  ኩሉና ኤርትራውያን ከምዘድሊ፣ንስሕቶ  ኣይመስለንን፥እንታይ  ደኣ ጊዜ ወሲዱልና  ክሳብ   ሕጂ  ንዝብል  ግን

መልሲ   የድልየና   ኣሎ።

መልሲ ንምርካብ ፡እቲ ቀንዲን ጊዜ ዝወሰደን ኩነታትና ኣብ  ምልላይን ኣብ መፍትሒ   ዝፈላሉዩናን   ንምልላዮም  ክሕግዙና  ዝኸእሉ መርት ዖታት  ክኾኑና  መታን፡እቶም ዘገራጭዉን ማሕበራዊ ይኹኑ ፖለቲካዊ ግርጭታትና በብሓደ ከነለልዮም  ይግብኣና ይመስለኒ። ገለ  ካብቶም   ዝለዓሉ  ግርጭ ታት ንምጥቃስ፣

 

  1. 1.  ኣብ መንጎ ውልቀሰባት
  2. 2.  ኣብ   ውሽጢ    ሓደ  ውድብ
  3. 3.  ኣብ መንጎ  ዝተፈላለያ  ውድባት
  4. 4.  ኣ መንጎ ዝተፈላለዩ  ኣካላት  ሕብረተሰብ
  5. 5.  ኣብ    መንጎ  መንግስትን ህዝብን

 

ዓይነት  ግርጭታት’ከ  ኣየኖት  ኢዮም ?

  • ባ ዕልዊን/ውድ ዓዊን
  • ግሁድን/ስዉርን
  • ጽፍሓዊን/እጉድን
  • ብደገ ዝተ ኣልመ   (እሉም) ኢዮም።

 

 

ሀ. ኣብ  መንጎ ውልቀ-ሰባት ዝረ ኣዩ ግርጭታት፣

 

ኣብ  መንጎ ኣሕዋት  ይኹን ኣብ  መንጎ፡ ኣባላት ናይ ሓንቲ  ስድራ  ቤት ዝረእ ናኣሽቱ  ምጉንፋጥ  ገዲፍካ ፡መትከላዊ ዘይኮነ ምርሕሓቕ እውን

በብ እዋኑ ይቕልቀል’ሞ    ነታ  ስድራ ቤት ይኸፋፍልዋ ፡ኣደን ኣቦን እውን ምስቲ  ፍልልያት ናይ ደቆም   ወግን ይሕዙ፣ስለዚ እታ  መሰረት ኩርናዕ ናይ  ሕብረተሰብ  ብመልከዕ  ምክፍፋላ እዛ ንሽቶ  እትመስል  ናይ ስድራ  ቤት  ዋህዮ  ክትጉዳእ ብ ዓይና ንር እያ ኣሎና።

ኣብ ሕብረተሰብ  ናይ  ኤርትራ ዝረኣዩ ግርጭእታት ፣ዝተፈላለዩ ዘይምርድዳእን ምስሕሓብን ፡ኣብ  መንጎ ሰባት ኩሉ ግዜ ይረአ ኢዩ፣ግናኸ ከምዚ ናይዚ እዋን ኣብ  መንጎ ውልቀን ኣብ መንጎ ዉዱባትን ዘየድሊ ናይ ፍልልያት ብዝሒ  ተራእዩ ኣይፈልጥን።እቶም  መትከላዊ ፍልልያት ኣሎና ዝብሉ እውን ንኽፈላለዩ ደኣ ደሊዮም   እምበር ንሓርነት ናይ ህዝብን ሃገርንሲ መትከላዊ  ኣረኣእያ ዝፈጥር  ኣይመስለንን፣ እንተ’ሎ   እውን ይፍታሕ  ኢዩ።

 

 

ለ.ኣብ  መንጎ ሓደ ውድብ  ዝረኣዩ ግርጭታት፦

ኣብ ሱሳታት  ዝተራዩ ናይ ኣብ ውሽጢ   እቲ ዓርሞሸሽ  ውድብ  ትሓኤ ፣ረቓሒታት

መንቅሊ ኡ፣  ንታሪኽ  ዝግደፍ  ፣ግንምስቲ ድልየትን  ሃንቀውታን ናይ

ህዝቢ   ኤርትራ  ተመ ጣ ጣኒ ግዚያዊ  መፍትሒ  ክርከበሉ  ምተገበኦ።

ኣብ  ሕሉፍ   ሎሚ    ምጥ ዓ  ቅኑዕ  እካ  እንተዘይኮነ ፣ ዘርዚርካ  ዘይውዳእ  ክሳራ  ህዝቢን ውድብን ኣኸቲሉ ን  ሎሚ’ዉን  ኣብ  ወጻኢ  እንርከብ  ዘሎና

ተቓወምቲ   ናይቲ  ስንብራት   ኣሰር  ይኽተለና  ኣሎ።ብወገነይ  እዚ ኣብ  መንጎ መራሕቲ ናይቲ ውድብ  ዝጸንሐ   ዘይምት እምማን፣ ዘንቀሎ  ናይ  መን  በለጸን  ቦታ  መሪሕነት ሓዘ ዘይመሰረታዊ  ናይ ፖለቲካ  ሰነ-ሓሳባዊ  ፍልልይ

ዝመሰረቱ  ንነዊሕ  ተዶጊሉ  ዝጸንሐ  ጥጅ እ፣ ነቲ ኩሉ ቅኑዕን  መሰረታዊ  ናይ

መፍትሒ  መንገዲታት  ዓጺዎን  ይርከብ  ኣሎ።

 

ኣብ  ውሽጢ  ህግደፍ፣ንነዊሕ  እውን ብሓደ ስሱ ዕ ባእታ  እናተዘወረን  ከም  ብሕታዊ  ግራቱ ክብሕቶ  ዝጸንሐ  ግንባርን  ሕቡእ  ሰልፊን፣  ሎሚ   ኣብ    ዝልዓለ  ጥርዙ  በጺሑ፡ነቶም  ቀንዲ  መጋበሪያ ናይ  ኢያስ ኮይኖም  ዝጸንሑ  ደቀባት ዕጫ  ሞትን ቅትለትንኣላ።

ድምር  ናይ ውድባዊ  ጉድለት  ዝልዓለ  ዘሰዕቦ  ዕንወት፡ ህልቂትን ኣኸቲሉልና፣ ዋጋ ኸፊልና ዘይንረኽቦም   ሉል  ባሕሪ ዝኾኑ  መን እሰያትን  ነጥፍ እ ኣሎና። ኣይረድ  ዘብል  ጥፈኣት ህዝቢን ሃገርን ሰኣን ኣብ  ግዚኡ  መፍትሒ  ምፍጣርን  ይቕረ፡  ዘይምብባልን፣ ክሳራና  ኣዚዩ በዚሑ  ።

 

 

 

ሐ . ኣብ  መንጎ ዝተፈላለያ  ውድባት ኤርትራ ዘሎ  ግርጭትን ህልኽን፦

 

ኣብ  መንጎ እቲ ልፍንታዊ  (Alliance)  ዝስሙ  ጉህለ  ኣብ ሓጺር  ዕምሩ ተፈንጢሑ፣ቀጺሉ  ዝተተኽለ  ኪዳንውን  ክንድቲ ዝንኣድን  ስኒት ዘየብሉ  ብመልከዕ  መራሕቱ ዝፈላለን ዝበታተንን፣ኮይኑ  ግን  ሰሚርናዶ እዚ ጌርናዶ’ ናበለ ተስፋ  ብምዝርጋሕ  ኣብ መሬት ኤርትራ  ኣትዩ ንህዝቢ ሞራል ዘይህብ ጉጅለ  ካብ  ሙኻን  ሓሊፉ ዘየረዕም  ቃል ኪዳን ዝ ኣሰረን  ነቲ ባ ዕሉ ዝጠፋጠፎ  ባይቶ  እውን ባዕሉ እናዘውረ ዓቕሉ  እናጽበበሉ  ማሕንቖን ሕልኮን ኣእትዩ  ከምዘይ  ሰርሕ  ሓኒቑዎ  ሰለዘሎ  ሎሚዶ ጽባሕ  የብቐዕ ዕምሩ  ተባሂሉ

ብተ ዓዘብቲ  ወ ጻ እተኛታት  ከይተረፈ መኻን ኮራርምቲ ዘየብሉ  ምትእኽኻብ

ኤርትራውያን ኮይኑ ብግርጭት ምብዛሕ  ዕድሚኡ  ዘናውሕ፣ ዓው ኢልካ ዘይብከዮ

ሞት ሕጹይ  ኾይኑና ዘንበርናሉ ተስፋ እናማህመነ  ይኸይድ  ኣሎ።

እስከ  እዛ ሓንቲን   ህዝቢ  ተስፉ ዘንበረላ ናይ ሓባር፣ጻዕሪን ድኻምን ዝተኸፍለላን ባይቶና፣ብ መራሕቲ ውድባት ዲያስፖራ፣ ጅሆ ተታሒዛትና ትርከብ።ብውሽጥን  ብደገን  ህዝብና ተቐርቂሩ  እግሩ ናብ ዝወሰዶ ይጠፈእ ኣሎ።

 

መ.  ኣመንጎ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣካላት ሕብረተ-ሰብና ዝረኣዩ ናይ ኣረዳድ ኣ ፍልልያት፣

 

ሕብረተ-ሰብ   ኤርትራ ብዝተፈላልዩ ኣዕኑድ  ኣካላት  ዝቖመ  ምኻኑ ክዝንጋዕ የብሉን፣

ገለ ካብቲ ዘሎ ተፈጥራዊ  ኣካላት ህዝቢ፣-

ብሄራዊን ናይ  ቛንቛ  ኣብዝሓ  ዘለዎም  ቤተሰባትን ኣብ ዝተፈላልየ ክፋላትን ኣውራጃታትን ዝነብሩ ደቂ ሃገር ናይ ግድን ኣብ  ኣነባብራኦምን ኣተሓሳስባን  ይፈላለዩ’ም። እዚ ግን ኣብ ምሉእ  ዓለም  ዝረከብ ባህሪያዊን ቅቡልን  ፍልልያት ስለዝኾነ  ከም ሃብቲ ናይዛ ሃገር  ክቕጸር ይግባእ።

ኣብ መንጎ ደቂ ተባዕትዮን ኣንስትዮን ዘሎ  ናይ ሓባር ናብራን ጾታዊ  ፍልልያት፣ ብማ ዕርነት ናይ ምንባር  ኣገዳሲን ም ዕቡል ሕብረተሰብ  ኣብ  ዘለዎሉ ‘ቲ  ፍልልይ  ጎዳኢ  ኣይከውንን።ጾ ታዊ ማዕርነት  ዝረጋገጸሉ  ብክልቲኡ  ጾታታት፣  ብቃልሲን ትምህርትን ኢዩ ዝረ ጋገጽ።

 

 

እሞኸድ ’ ኣ እንታይ  ይገበር ኣብ ዝብል መፍትሒ   ኣስዒበ ኣብ ታሕቲ ቀጺለ

ክገልጾ ከፍትን ኢየ!

ተሞክሮና ኣ ብ  ኣተሓሕዛ  ግርጭትታት ዉዱባትና ከመይ  ነይሩን ከመይ ኣሎን ዝብል ስክፍታ ናብ  ሓንጎልና  እናተዘከረና  ከምዝመጽእ ርግጸኛ ኢየ።

እብ  ሕሉፍ ታሪኽና ርሑቕ ዘይኮነ ናይ ትማል ተዘክሮ ስለዝኾነ ካብ ግዜ  ፈደረሽን  ኣትሒካ ኣተሓሕዛ ግጭት ብሰላማዊ መንግዲን በኣፈሙዝን ተፈቲኑን ሕጂ’ን ይቕጽል  ኣሎን።

 

 

ብሰላማዊ  መንገዲ  ኣፈታትሓ  ፍልልያትና፣ ኣብ  ጊዜ  ፈደረሽን ኣብ ዋዕላታትን  ኣብ  ፓርላማ  ፈደረሽን ኤርትራ(ሰምበሊያ) ፈተነታት ተኽይዱ ነይሩ፣እንተኾነ እዚ’ውን ብሓይሊ ብረት ብጸላኢ ዝተዓስቡ ሸፋቱ ተዘሪጉ።ፍልልያት ኣብ መንጎ ኣሕዋት ደቂ  ሃገር እቲ ዝቐለልን ዝምረጽን ኮይኑ ገና ግን ካብ  ወለድና ዘይቀሰምናዮ  ባህሊ እዚ ሰላማዊ  ፍታሕ እዚዩ፡ኣብቲ ብረት ክትጥቀመሉ ዘይከኣል ቦታ እውን ከይተረፈ ነቲ ሰላማዊ ፍታሕ  ከም ካላኣይ ምርጭና  ክይኑ ንገድፎን ናይ  ሓይሊን ጉልበትን  ምጥቃም  ንቐድም።ኮይኑ ግን ሕጂ እንትኾነ እውን  መዋጽ ኦና  ኣብ መንጎና  ሰላማዊ  ፍታሕ  ኣመንጎ ተቓወምቲ ዝምረጽ እንኮ መንገዲ  መፍትሒ ናይ ግርጭታት ንውልቀሰባትን  ዉዱብን ማሕበራዊ  ዘይምርድዳእን  ከነዘውትር ንግደድ፣ ንምንታይስ  ክሳብ ሎሚ ዝተጎዓዝናዮ ጐዕዞ ውጺቱ ዘየ ዕግብ ኮይኑ ስለዘሎን (Zero Tolerance) ዘይተጽዋርነት፣ ብተጻዋርነት  ምትክኡ  ክሳርኡ፡ እቲ ዝወሓደ  ኢዩ።ሰላማዊ መፍትሒ  ኣብ መንጎ ኣሕዋት ንዝረኤ  ፍልልያት ዝበለጸን ግዜን ጻዕሪን ይቑጥበልና።

 

ኣተሓሕዛ ሕልፉን ህሉውን ግጭት፣ኣብ ሕብረተሰብናን ተቓወምቲ ውዱባትን፣

 

ሀ. ሰላማዊ  ፍታሕ  ንግጭት፣

ኣብ ታሪኽ ኩናት ዓለምና ዓመጽቲን ሓያላትን ሃገራትን ነትን ናኣሽቱ ጎረባብተን ኩናት ጽዕራ፣ መብዝሕቱኡ ግዜ ብሃንደበት ይወርእን፣ንብረተን ኣብ ም ዝራፍ ከኣ ይተሓሓዝኦ። ዓመጸኛታት ገረቤትንውን ብኸምዚ ኩነታት ንፈደረሽን ኣፍሪሶም ኣብዘይደለናዮ ብረታው ቃልሲ ክንደይ ጀጋኑ ዝወሓጠ ውግኣት ተኻዩዱሉ። ከም ፍታሕ  ናይ ዘይምስምማ ዕ፣ ዋዕላ ቤት  ጊዮርጊስን ጉባኤ ሰላም ሲነማ ሮማን  ዝተባህላ ታሪኽ  ዘለወን ጉባኤታት ኣብ 1946/1950 ንተኻይደን ኤየን።ውጺት ናይቲ ዋዕልኳ ከምቲ ዝድለ ኣይኹን’በር፣እቲ ፈተነ ኣብ   መንጎ ዝተፈላልያ  ሰልፍታት  ሓድነታዊ ውሳኔ ንምብጻሕን  ነቲ ዝነበረ ሃዋሁው   ንምዝሓልን  ዝተኻየዱ  ፈተነታት ኣቦታትና ኢዮም  ነይሮም።ኣብ  ኤርትራ  ብ 70ታት ናይ ክልቲኤን ውድባት ምርጻምን  ምትህርራምን   ጠጠው    ንኽብልን  ንጸላኢ  ሓቢርካ  ምውቃዕን  ዝሓለነ ብመራሕተንን  ብተራ    ተጋደልቲን ፈተነታት  ተኻይዶምን ነይሮም።

 

ኩሉ  ግዜ  ነዚ  ቅዱስ  ዕላማ’’ዚ  ዘዕንቅፍ  ተጻቦታት  እውን  ብላዕለዎት መራሕቲ  ከልቲኡ  ግንባራት (ELF & EPLF) ተኽይዶም  ብዘይ ሓድነት ከኣ  ሰውራ  ናብ  ናይ  1991 መደምደምታ በጺሑ።

 

ድሕሪ ምፍራስ  ፈደረሽን እው ን  ብሰላማዊ  መንገዲ ፣ገበን  ኣብ  1962  ዝተወስደ  ብወገን  ንግስነት  ኢትዮጵያ ዘይሕጋው ን ብዘይ  ፍቓድ ህዝቢ

ካብ   ውሳነ  ሕ/መ  ወጻኢ ውሽጣዊ  ምምሕዳር ፈደራላዊ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ    ዝገሃሰ  ስለዝነበረ  ኣቤቱታን  ጥራዓንን  ብወግን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ  ተፈቲኖም፣ ብኡ መጠን ከኣ ኣቦታትና ናብ ሕቡራት መንግስታት እናኸዱ  ጥርዓን ንምቕራብ  ፈቲ ኖም ። ነዚ ልምናኦም  ግን እዝኒ ዝሰምዕ ሰለዝሰኣነ ናብቲ እንኮ ምርጫ  ተኣትዩ፣ እዚ እውን መፍትሒ  ኾይኑ ስለዘይተረኽ በ ኣብ  መ ኣዲ ዘተ እናቐረብካ መፍትሒን ውግእ ጠጠው  ዝብለሉን ክሳራ ዝውሕደሉን መንገድታት ኣብ ምንዳይ ይእቶ  ነይሩ’ እዩ ።መንእሰያትን ተመሃሮ  ኤ ርትራ  እውን ብወገኖም  ብሰላማዊ ሰልፍታት ኣብ ነፍሲወከፍ ከተማ ጥር ዓኖምን ድልየቶምን ይገል ጹ ነይሮም።

 

 

ለ. ብጎንጻዊ  መንገዲ  ከም  መፍትሕ   ግጭት፣

 

ኣብ  ሜዳ እንተኾነ እውን  መኣሕቲ ከልቲኡ  ግንባራት ነቲ ደልየት  ናይ ተራ ተጋደልቲ  ብምጉሳይ ናታቶም   መምርሒ  ብምቕዳም  ዕሽሽ ኣብ  ዝብልሉ  እዋን፣እንተስ ብነቐፌታ  ወይ ድማ  ገድሊ  ገዲፍም   ብዙሓት  ተጋደልቲ

ናብ ስደት ዘምርሑን: ከመኡ  ድማ   ተስፋ ብምቑራጽ ብትዕግስቲ ሓሊፎሞ።እዚ ግን ነቲ ኩነታት ኣይቀየሮን፣ብ ኣንጻሩኳ  ኢቲ ገድሊ  ተዳኺሙ   ሃገር ተበዲላ፣መሬት  ብደም ናይ  ኣሕዋት ጨቂያ፣ ሓንቲ  ግንባር  ንሜዳ  ብሒታ

ሃገርና’ ውን  ኣብዘይትወጾ  ዓዘቕቲ  ተሽኺላ። መዋጽኦ ዘይብሉ   ሰንፈላል  ግዜ ኣቲና  ኣሎና።  ብጎንጺ  ክፍታሕ  ማለት፣ ምፍታን ሰበብ   ምፍጣር  ኢዩ ዘኸትል። ሎሚ   ህዝብና  ዓለም  ክትም ዕብል  ንበይኑ  ናብ  ዘበነ ጊልያነት  ተደርብዩ  ይርከብ።

 

ኣብ መንጎ መንግስትን  ህዝብን ዝለዓል ግጭት፣

ብመንጽር  ስርዓት  ህግደፍን ኣተሓሕዛ ግጭትን ሓደ  ህዝብን  ሓደ  ልብን እናበለ ወትሩ ንህዝቢ  እናታለለ  ናይ ርእይቶ  ፍልልይ  ዘይፍቅድ ን  መሰል ናይ ርእይቶ ዝኽሕድ

ስርዓት  ኣልቦ፣ ከም  መፍትሒ  ኢሉ ዝጥቀመሎም  መ ሳርያኡ፣ንዝተቓወሙዎ

  • ምንጻል
  • ምቅንጻልን
  • ብዘይ ፍርዲ  ም እሳር
  • ኣብ  ልዝብን ምምይያጥ  ዘእማን

እዚ  ዓይነት ኣክይዳን ኣገባብ  ብጎንጺ  ጥራይ ናይምፍታሕ  ዝኸይድ  እንትኾይኑ  ቀጻልነት ናይ   ህግደፍ ዘኸትሎም  ሓደጋታት ብዙሓትን  ኣብ  ነዊሕ  እዋን  ህጓፍ  ናይ

ምምሕድኣርን  መንግስታዊ ኣሰራርሓን  ፈጢሩ ንም ዕራዩን  ነቲ  ምሕደሩ  ካብ  ሱሩ  ቀይርካ  ንኽትጉሕፎ  ኣጸጋሚ  ይኸውን።

ከም  ሳዕቤኑ   ኸኣ

  • ል ዕላውነት  ሃገር  ኣይክረጋገጽን ኢዩ
  • መሰርታዊን ዝምድናዊን  ምት እስሳር ሕብረተሰብ ፣ ይዝርዘር  ኣሎ፡
  • ህላውነት  ሃገርን  ህዝቢን ኣብ ሕቶ ምልክት  ኣእቲዎ ይርከብ።

 

 

ኣፈታትሓ  ግጭት  ኣብ መንጎ ትቓወምቲ  ውድባትን  በርጌሳዊ  ማሕበራትን’ከ?

 

ክሳብ  ‘ዚ  እዋንዚ  እቲ  ኣብ  ውሽጢ  ናይ ደምበ ተቓው ሞ   ዘሎ   ሃዋህው  ኣብ ኣፈታትሓ  ግጭት  ካብቲ  ኣብ  ሜዳ   ኤርትራ  ዝነበረ  ናይ ገድሊ  ባህሊ   ጌና  ከም ዘይወ ጽእ  ዘሪኢ ፣ ኣመልን  ልምድን  ተኸቲልና ክንከይድ ስለዝጸናሕና  ብዘይ  ሓርፋፍ  መንገዲ  ብልሙ  -ጽን  ብሰላማዊ  ኣገባብ  ፍልልያትና ኣየወግድናን   ዘሎና።  ካብቶም  ከነጥርዮም  ዘሎና  ኣዎንታዊ   ዝምባሌታት፣

  • ናይ ሰላምን  ምጽውዋርን  መንፈስ  ከንጥሪ ይግብ ኣና
  • ናይ  ውግ እን ሓይሊን ባህሊ ፣ግዚኡ ዝሓለፎ  ንምውጋዱ  ምጽ ዓር
  • ኣሉታዊን ዘይማ ዕብል  ዘይግሉጽነት ኣሰራርሓ  ባህሊ  ምቕያር ይድልየና
  • ዘይተሓታትነት፣ ኣብ ስራሕን  ምምሕዳርን  ከነወግድ  ይግባና

 

 

ግጭት ንምፍታሕ  ዘድልዩ ረቛሒታት

 

ኣብ ግጭት  ክህልወና  ዝኽ እል ር እይቶን ንኣፈታትሕን  ኣየናይ  ኣገባብ  ክንጥቀም

ይግባእ ?

  • ኣብ  ዝተፈላለዩ  ግዜን እዋንን  ኣብ መንጎ  ሰባት ግጭት ከም ባህሪያውን  ኣንቀሳቓሲ  ድፍ ኢትን ፣ናይ ዝኾነ ይኹን እዋን  ሰብ ኣዊን  ማሕበራውን ርክብ  ኣብ ዘለወሉ ዝለ ዓል  ኣንቀሳቓሲ  ጠባያት ኢዩ።
  • ኣብ    ስራሕ  መፍትሒ ክርከበሎም ዘለዎም   ጸግማት ናይ ሰባት  ይጉልሕ
  • ኣብ  ምንቅስቓስና  ኣድላዪ  ለውጢ  ክግበር  ከምዘለዎ  ይጠልብ
  • ሓድሽ  መንገድን  ርክብን  ንኽንፈጥር  ይኽ እለና
  • ንህላውነት ናይ ግጭት  ምኽሓድ  ማለት ንሕማምካ  ከም  ምኽሓድ  ክውሰድ   ይከኣል።

 

 

ግጭትን ኣፈታትሓኡን፣ማ ለት እቲ ቅኑዕ ኣገባታቱ፣  ብኸመይ ይርእ?

 

  • ፍልልይ ኣብ መንጎ ደቂ-ሰባት  ንቡር ስለዝኾ ነ ንቀበሎ ፣ግጭት ይኹን  ፍልልይ ’ዉን  ተቓው ሞ  ምስ ማሕበራዊ ሂወትን መንግስታዊ  ስልጣንን፣ ስርዓትን  ኣይገራጭ ን  ኢዩ ።
  • ብመንገዲ  ዲሞ ክራሲያዊ  ምሕደራ  ምፍትሑ   እቲ  እንኮን መሰረታዊን ቅኑዕን ዝዀ ነ ኣገባብ  መፍትሕ  ግጭ ት  ኢዩ ።
  • ኣድ ላዪ  ኣብ  ዝኾነሉ  እዋን  ብመንጎኝነት ዝመጽእ መፍትሒ  ግጭት ናይ  እንካን  ሃባን ጥበብ ( ኪነት) ኢዩ ።
    • መፍትሒ  ግጭ ት እም በኣር  ዓብላሊን  ተዓብላሊን ዘየብሉ ሰዓርን  ተሰዓርን ዘይኮንስ፣  ዋሕስ ነቲ መሰረታዊ  ናይ ዜጋታት ክኸ ው ን ኢዩ ዝግባእ።

 

ስለዚ  እዞም  ኣብ  ላዕሊ  ተዘርዚሮም  ዘለዉ  ነጥብታት፣ብህዝባዊ ድልየትን ተሳትፎን ፣ ክካየድ  ዘልዎ ደኣምበር ስምን ኣተሓሳስባን ናይ

ህግደፍሲ ዘረኽቦ ነገር የብሉን።ህዝቢ ኤርትራ  ከም  ህዝቢ መጠን ህልው ናኡ  ከረጋግጸሉ ዝኸል  ኣብ  መንጎኡ  ዘሎ  ፍልልያት  ወጊዱ፣ ሓርነቱንን

ሓድነትን  ከደልድልን  ክዕብን እንተደኣ  ደልዩ ን ኣሰራርሓ  ናይ  ህግደፍ ነጺጉ  ብናቱ  ድልየትን ንዕኡ  ብዝሰማም ዖ ምርጫ ን  ብመንግዱን  መፍትሕ  ዝኾኖ ኣሰራርሓ  ክህልዎ  የድሊ ።

 

ኣብ  መ ወዳ እታ፣

ህልውና  ሕዝቢ  ኤርትራ  ከም  ህዝቢ  ሂያው  ክኸውን  መታን፣

ህዝብና   ሓድነትን ሓርነትን  ከረክብ፣ ጥርናፌ   ናይ  ኩሎም  ዲሞ ክራሲያውያን  ሓይልታት  ኣብ  ዝሓጸረ እዋን  ክማላእን፣  ክጸዓረሉን ስለዘለዎ  ነዚ   ሃገራዊ  ግድነት’ ዚ  ሰጊርና  እንገብሮ   ካልእ  ኣገባብ  መህለኺ  ሓይልናን መ ወደእ ጉልበትናን ከይከውን  ምርጫ ና  ኣብ  ሃገራዊ  ዘተን  ፍታሕ  ንመርካብን ንጽዓር።

T.Yitbarek

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ኣብ ፓኪስታን ወዲ 9 ወርሒ ቆልዓ ብፈተነ ቅትለት ተኸሲሱ

Lahor_boy

ወዲ 9 ወርሒ ህጻን አብ ፓኪስታን ላሆር ዝተብሃለ ቦታ ብቕትለት ፈተነ ተኸሲሱ አብ ቤት ፍርዲ አብ ፓኪስታን ላሆር ዝተብሃለ ቦታ ምቕራቡ ኣጃንስ ፍራንስ ፕሬስ ገሊጽ። እቲ ህጻን ኣብ ቤት ፍርዲ አብ ሕቕፎ አባሕጉኡ ኮይኑ አብ አፉ መጥቦቢ ሒዙ ናይ አጻብዕቲ ዓሸራ ምሃቡ ተገሊጹ።

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ሓዯራ! መንእሰይ ኣባኻን ኣብ እዝጊን፡ ተራኻ ተጻወት ንመሰልን ሕጊን።

GisenDemo3

ሓዯራ መንእሰይ፡ ኣባኻን ኣብ እዝጊን
ተራኻ ተጻወት ንመሰልን ሕጊን
ታሪኽ ሰውራ ዓለም ንኹለን ኩለለን
ብዘይ ተሳትፎኻ፡ ፈልከት እኮ የለን፡

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Updated: ህዝባዊ ኣኼባ ኣብ ከተማ ኢንዲያናፖሊስ

Fithi_Magazine

ብጉዳይ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ብሓፈሻ፡ ብጉዳይ ተራ ናይ ማሕበር ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ ከኣ ብፍላይ፡ ንምዝርራብ ን 3 ጉንበት 2014 ህዝባዊ ኣኼባ ክካየድ ምዃኑ ንሕብር። ሃገርን ህዝብን ናይ ሓባር ከም ምዃኖም መጠን፡ ኩሉኹም ኤርትራውያን ኣብ’ዚ ተመዲቡ ዘሎ ኣኼባ ክትርከቡ ብትሕትና ንምሕጸን።

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Eritrean Refugees at Risk

african_immigrants

Dan Connell and Foreign Policy In Focus on April 11, 2014 – 5:00 PM ET

This article is a joint publication of TheNation.com and Foreign Policy In Focus.

Hundreds of thousands of Eritreans have fled a repressive dictatorship since 2001. Their small northeast African country, which has a population of four to five million and was once touted as part of an African “renaissance,” is one of the largest per capita producers of asylum seekers in the world.

Many languish in desert camps. Some have been kidnapped, tortured and ransomed—or killed—in the Sinai. Others have been left to die in the Sahara or drowned in the Mediterranean. Still others have been attacked as foreigners in South Africa, threatened with mass detention in Israel or refused entry to the United States and Canada under post-9/11 “terrorism bars” based on their past association with an armed liberation movement—the one they are now fleeing.

It’s not easy being Eritrean.

The most horrifying of their misfortunes—the kidnapping, torture and ransoming in Sinai—has generated attention in the media and among human rights organizations, as did the tragic shipwreck off Lampedusa Island in the Mediterranean. But the public response, like that to famine or natural disaster, tends to be emotive and ephemeral, turning the refugees into objects of pity or charity with little grasp of who they are, why they take such risks or what can be done to halt the hemorrhaging.

This is abetted by the Eritrean government, which masks the political origins of these flows by insisting they are “migrants,” not refugees, and no different from those of other poor countries like Eritrea’s neighbor and archenemy, Ethiopia. This fiction is convenient for destination countries struggling with rising ultra-nationalist movements and eager for a rationale to turn Eritreans (and others) away.

But this is not a human—or political—crisis amenable to simplistic solutions. Nor is it going away any time soon.

The Source

Eritrea’s history has been marked by conflict and controversy from the time its borders were determined on the battlefield between Italian and Abyssinian forces in the 1890s. A decade of British rule was followed by federation with and then annexation by Ethiopia. Finally in the 1990s, after a thirty-year war that pitted the nationalists, themselves divided among competing factions, against successive US- and Soviet-backed Ethiopian regimes, Eritrea gained recognition as a state.

Since then Eritrea has clashed with all of its neighbors, climaxing in an all-out border war with Ethiopia in 1998-2000 that triggered a rapid slide into repression and autocracy. The government has survived by conscripting the country’s youth into both military service and forced labor on state-controlled projects and businesses, while relying on its diaspora for financial support, even as it has produced a disproportionate share of the region’s refugees. This paradox underlines the strength of Eritrean identity, even among those who flee.

Eritrea is dominated by a single strong personality: former rebel commander, and now president, Isaias Afwerki. He has surrounded himself with weak institutions, and there is no viable successor in sight, though there are persistent rumors of a committee-in-waiting due to his failing health. Meanwhile, the three branches of government—nominally headed by a cabinet, a National Assembly and a High Court—provide a façade of institutional governance, though power is exercised through informal networks that shift and change at the president’s discretion. There is no organizational chart, nor is there a published national budget. Every important decision is made in secret.

The ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), a retooled version of the liberation army, functions as a mechanism for mobilizing and controlling the population. No other parties are permitted. Nor are non-governmental organizations—no independent trade unions, media, women’s organizations, student unions, charities, cultural associations, nothing. All but four religious denominations have been banned, and those that are permitted have had their leaderships compromised.

Refugees cite this lack of freedom—and fear of arrest should they question it—as one of the main reasons for their flight. But the camps in Ethiopia and Sudan reflect a highly unusual demographic: Most such populations are comprised of women, children and elderly men, but officials of the UN’s High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Ethiopia and Sudan say that among those registering in the camps there, close to half in recent years have been women and men under the age of 25. The common denominator among them is their refusal to accept an undefined, open-ended national service. This, more than any other single factor, is propelling the exodus.

The UNHCR has registered more than 300,000 Eritreans as refugees over the past decade, and many more have passed through Ethiopia and Sudan without being counted. The UNHCR representative in Sudan, Kai Lielsen, told me last year that he thought seventy to eighty percent of those who crossed into Sudan didn’t register and didn’t stay. Thus, a conservative estimate would put the total close to a million. For a country of only four to five million people, this is remarkable. And it is the combination of their vulnerability and their desperation that makes them easy marks.

The Trafficking

For years, the main refugee route ran through the Sahara to Libya and thence to Europe. When that was blocked by a pact between Libya and Italy in 2006, it shifted east to Egypt and Israel. Smugglers from the Arab tribe of Rashaida in northeastern Sudan worked with Sinai Bedouin to facilitate the transit, charging ever-higher fees until some realized they could make far more by ransoming those who were fleeing.

The smugglers-turned-traffickers eventually demanded as much as $40,000-$50,000, forcing families to sell property, exhaust life savings and tap relatives living abroad. As the voluntary flow dried up, they paid to have refugees kidnapped from UN-run camps after identifying those from urban, mostly Christian backgrounds (those most likely to have relatives in Europe and North America).

I spoke with one survivor in Israel last year whose story was typical. Philmon, a 28-year-old computer engineer, fled Eritrea in March 2012 after getting a tip he might be arrested for public statements critical of the country’s national service. Several weeks later, he was kidnapped from Sudan’s Shagara camp, taken with a truckload of others to a Bedouin outpost in the Sinai and ordered to call relatives to raise $3,500 for his release. “The beatings started the first day to make us pay faster,” he told me.

Philmon’s sister, who lived in Eritrea, paid the ransom, but he was sold to another smuggler and ransomed again, this time for $30,000. “The first was like an appetizer. This was the main course,” he said. Over the next month, he was repeatedly beaten, often while hung by his hands from the ceiling. Convinced he could never raise the full amount, he attempted suicide. “I dreamed of grabbing a pistol and taking as many of them as possible, saving one bullet for myself.”

Early on they broke one of his wrists. During many of his forced calls home to beg for money they dripped molten plastic on his hands and back. After his family sold virtually everything they had to raise the $30,000, he was released. But his hands were so damaged he could no longer grip anything. He couldn’t walk and had to be carried into Israel. Because he was a torture victim, he was sent to a shelter in Tel Aviv for medical care. In this regard, he was one of the lucky ones.

For some 35,000 Eritreans who have come to Israel since 2006, each day is suffused with uncertainty, as an anti-immigrant backlash builds. The government calls them “infiltrators,” not refugees, and threatens them with indefinite detention or—what many fear most—deportation to Eritrea. Philmon has moved on to Sweden, where the reception was more welcoming, though there, too, a virulent anti-immigrant movement is growing.

Last year, the Sinai operation began to contract due to a confluence of factors: increased refugee awareness of the risks, the effective sealing of Israel’s border to keep them out and Egyptian efforts to suppress a simmering Sinai insurgency among Bedouin Islamists. But this didn’t stop the trafficking—it just rerouted it.

What I found in eastern Sudan last summer was that Rashaida tribesmen were paying bounties to corrupt officials and local residents to capture potential ransom victims along the Sudan-Eritrea border—and even within Eritrea and Ethiopia—and were holding them within well-defended Rashaida communities there. Such captives would not be counted by government or agency monitors and would not show up at all were it not for the testimony of escapees and relatives.

Last fall, Lampedusa survivors revealed that Libya is becoming another site for ransoming and kidnapping, illustrating that as one door closes, new opportunities arise across a region of weak states and post–Arab Uprising instability. What Sudan and Libya have in common is not the predators but the prey. And the practice is expanding as word spreads of the profits to be had, much as with the drug trade elsewhere. And it will continue to expand as long as there’s a large-scale migration of vulnerable people with access to funds and no coordinated international response to stop it.

Eritrean refugee flows today run in all directions. They’re facilitated by smugglers with regional and, in some cases, global reach. The gangs behind this engage in a range of criminal activities, within which human trafficking is just a lucrative new line of business. Some have ties to global cartels and syndicates. Some have political agendas and fund them through such enterprises. Most are heavily armed.

Under such conditions, a narrowly conceived security response could quickly spin out of control and escalate into a major counterinsurgency, as in the Sinai in Egypt. For weaker states across the Sahel, the risks of ill-thought-out action are infinitely greater.

What Needs to Happen

An effective approach to this crisis would start with education and empowerment of the target population and involve efforts to identify and protect refugees throughout their flight. A key step is the early, uncoerced determination of status according to international standards. This could be coupled with an expansion of incentives to deter onward migration, including education, training, employment and, where appropriate, integration into host communities. But none of this can work without refugee engagement in the process itself.

Then, and only then, would a security operation targeted at the smuggling and trafficking have a chance of success. But it, too, needs to be multidimensional in substance and regional in scope. Each state in this network is acting independently of the others. Sudan has arrested individuals implicated in trafficking, including one police officer, but has not cracked down on corrupt officials or gone into Rashaida communities to take down the ringleaders. Ethiopia has instituted security measures within the refugee camps on its northern border but is not working with Sudan on cross-border movement. Egypt has launched military operations in the Sinai where the torture camps are situated, but the announced aim is to break up the Islamist insurgency—the government denies trafficking is taking place. A coordinated initiative would start with a conference of affected states, and it would have to be supported by donor states and appropriate agencies (Interpol among them), not only in terms of aid but also intelligence, logistics, coordination and communication.

But if the trafficking operations are truly to be rolled up, the marginalized populations from which they arise and on which they depend need to be offered sufficient incentives to withdraw support for the criminals. This means access to resources, economic alternatives to off-the-books trading, involvement in the local political process, education for their children and more. These people need to be made stakeholders in the states where they live, which is not the case today for the Sinai Bedouin or the Sudan-based Rashaida or most of the other groups involved in trans-Sahel smuggling.

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Meanwhile, to dry up this particular supply of prey, political change is needed at the source, in Eritrea. That means, at a minimum, opening up the political system and the economy, limiting (not necessarily ending) national service, releasing political prisoners, implementing the long-stalled constitution and ending controls on travel so those who do want to go abroad as migrant workers can do so without illegally crossing borders and going through illicit smuggling networks.

The most important thing the United States can do to facilitate this process is convince Ethiopia to back off the border dispute that centers on a frontier town, Badme, and accept in practice—not just rhetorically—the 2002 Border Commission ruling that went in Eritrea’s favor.

Ethiopia’s intransigence on this issue—and US inaction—has long been the Asmara regime’s most powerful argument for keeping the lid on all forms of dissent. Eritreans will simply not trust Washington—or Addis Ababa—until they see some evidence of good faith.

 

Read Next: Bob Dreyfuss on racism in Israel.

Source: TheNation.com and Foreign Policy In Focus.

 

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What We (Don’t) Know About Eritrea’s Economy

Eritrea_ThinkAfricaPress

Think Africa Press – ARTICLE | 

11 APRIL 2014 – 2:26PM | BY JOSTEIN HAUGE

Eritrea perfectly illustrates the amount of guesswork involved in economic analysis of Africa.

At the start of this week, Nigeria’s GDP figures nearly doubled after the government recalculated economic output. Statisticians rebased their numbers to include changes to the economy, and in a heartbeat Africa’s most populous country had also become its richest, leapfrogging South Africa by a mile, and shooting up the global rankings to join the likes of Norway and Poland.

Although the ground under their feet was exactly the same, the country they were living in on paper had suddenly shifted for Nigeria’s 170 million population. Or should that be 180 million? Or 140 million? Or even higher or lower? The actual size of Nigeria’s population is also based on questionable estimates and evidence, and it too is heavily contested.

The fact that Nigeria’s statistics are so deeply shrouded in doubt is striking especially given that it is, as we now know, the richest country on the continent. This begs the question: if our understanding of Nigeria rests on such shaky ground, what about poorer, less well-connected, and more closed off countries? For example, what about Eritrea?

No data

Trying to get any data about Eritrea can be a thankless task. Access to information is very limited and the authoritarian regime’s relationship with any media apart from those run by its own information ministry is strained at best. The Horn of Africa nation is deeply isolated internationally and is considered to have one of the worst records in the world when it comes to civil liberties, political rights and domestic freedoms.

Unsurprisingly, international headlines about the Red Sea state are rare, and when there is coverage, it is usually about runaways fleeing the nation’s grip, abductions of Eritrean refugees in the Sinai Peninsula, human rights violations, or tentative predictions about how long the regime can last.

With virtually no data to work with, it unsurprising that analysts also tend to shy away from the country. In continent-wide studies, Eritrea is often coloured in grey to demarcate ‘no data’, while even multilateral organisations such as the African Development Bank sometimes have to release reports that pretend Eritrea does not exist.

The 2012 African Economic Outlook Report, which is probably the most comprehensive analysis of the country for several years, provides a few valuable if limited insights. But even this most complete report on record misses out some hugely important features such as population size.

Given the difficulties in estimating Eritrea’s population − existing figures range from about 3.5 million to almost double that at 6 million or more − it is perhaps wiser not to guess at all. However, the size of the population has enormous consequences for all per capita figures. The World Bank, for example, estimates Eritrea’s income per head to be $504, basing its calculations on population figures of just over 6 million. If Eritrea’s population were in fact closer to the 3.5 million mark, that income per head figure could be as much as $864.

The black market

However, especially when it comes to Eritrea, even reliable figures can only tell us so much. For instance, the country’s black market for currency exchange significantly complicates things.

The Eritrean currency has been pegged at 15 Nakfa to $1 since 2005. Due to high inflation over many years, the currency has lost value, but the government keeps it fixed in an attempt to tackle external debt. This has contributed to the blossoming of a parallel and illegal internal market for currency exchange. Those caught exchanging currency on the black market can be imprisoned for up to 18 months, but the entire economy depends on such illegal exchanges.

In late 2012, the rates in this illicit market offered three times the amount of Nakfa per dollar compared to official rates. And in March 2013, this already massive gap widened as the Eritrean government overvalued the national currency even more, fixing 10 Nakfa to $1. One important implication of this when examining Eritrea’s national economy is that using the official exchange rate is likely to hugely overestimate the real level of economic development. Using the rates found on the burgeoning black market would suggest the country is significantly poorer than if using the government’s rates.

Going a step further into the real detail of Eritrea’s economy, unofficial sources report that most households in the capital Asmara receive an average of $350 per month in undeclared remittances from relatives abroad. There are two particularly well-known mechanisms through which these clandestine transfers takes place: alongside shipments of contraband goods from Sudan, and when relatives from abroad visit.

These transfers are likely to be hugely significant for Eritrea’s economy. After all, a wage in the formal sector will at best leave you with 1500-2500 Nakfa per month. According to official rates, that comes to $150-250, but in reality it is worth considerably less and is barely enough to survive. For most families in Asmara, therefore, remittances are crucial and often constitute the majority − sometimes as much as 90% − of their overall income. Counterintuitively perhaps, Eritrea’s alarming brain drain ends up significantly stimulating its economy.

However, not all families in Eritrea are so lucky. A pattern of regional migration has occurred within the country in which those that have no relatives abroad are destined to a rural life as subsistence farmers cultivating mostly barren land, while those with close ties to family outside the country can maintain a life in the capital.

A shot in the dark

After Nigeria’s GDP was rebased earlier this week, nothing concrete changed. Nigerians didn’t suddenly have more cash in their wallets, the unemployed were still unemployed, and the many malaises in the national economy went nowhere. However, in the medium term, the updated figures could have a considerable impact, especially as foreign investors look at the country in a different, far more rosy light.

After all, statistics and economic analyses affect policies. Reliable figures can be crucial in helping actors − whether governments, individuals, corporations or multilateral organisations − make the right decisions, while unreliable ones can do the very opposite. When it comes to many countries, not least Eritrea, a great deal of caution needs to be taken before attempting any kind of shot in the dark.

Think Africa Press welcomes inquiries regarding the republication of its articles. If you would like to republish this or any other article for re-print, syndication or educational purposes, please contact: editor@thinkafricapress.com.

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ERITREA CANNOT BE DIVIDED BY ANY MEANS

Unity_change

Topic of this week is ‘An Initiative to Rally the Eritrean Lowland Societies  … This initiative is a call to reunite all sectors of this society in order to enable them to properly defend their legitimate rights and interests…’. (in Tigriyna = ሐንቲ ኢኒዝያቲቫ/ሐሳብ ናብ አክከበ/ጠርነፈ አርትራዊ ቆልላ ማሕበር … እዛ ኢኒዝያቲቫ ኢያ ሐንቲ ጽውዓ ናብ አክከበ ኩልሎም ሰትቶሪ ናይ እዛ ማሕበር አብ ስርዓት ናብ አስለጠ ናብ አግገባብ ሐልለቐ ናቱ ቅኑዓት እውን ሐረጻታት).

From different political views an idea that wants to divide Eritrea is not new. It was in its great form during the British administration in Eritrea but thanks to Eritrean wisdom it was tamed. Also it is too naïve to exclude the old Cairo’s political wish that search the whole or part of Eritrea as guard area for its water resources. But make no mistake. There was/is also another politics, like that of Italian colony that wants to see Eritrean lowland and highland untied in order to boost its military might, tax, etc. So the real and desired national unity that costs a lot is still to come.

First let us see Eritrean geographic divisions. Many books divide Eritrea into two: ቈልላ (=lowland: an area of land that is fairly flat and not very high above sea level) and ከበሳ (=highland: an area of land with hills or mountains).

But also there is another division that has local character:

a) Danakil depression ደሰርት (-120 … 0 meter): Of true deserts in Eritrea did not have any more than in the Danakil, volcanic region that is lowered to 120 m. below sea level and where it almost never rains.

b) Quolla ቈልላ (600 to 1700 m): where cotton, thorny acacias, doum palms, ዑቦል/obol, ጊንዳዕ-ኦም/ ghindà, etc. grow

c) Weinedega ወይነደጋ (1701 to 2399 m): Occupying the upper portion of Quolla. The natives call it weinedega, because you can grow vines. As an example Decamare town that enjoys Weinedega farms vines. Plus as that of ጊንዳዕ-ከተማ/ Ghindà, ፊልፊል/Filfilbelongs to a great for coffee farming. But above all Weinede-ga is famous of its ቈልቋል, ዳዕሮ, ጨቐምመጠ, ለሐም , ምልዖ … It is a natural zoo of many species of birds.

d) Dega ደጋ. in the upper part of the weinedega … the area that the natives call Dega and its limits elevation ranging from 2400 to 3700 m., which is in Ekkeleguzia. Senafe is one of the best places where to live.

 

Addikhuala 2054 m

Addiqheyh 2423 m

Aqordet 638 m

Asmara 2347 m

Barentu 980 m

Decamare 2018 m

Keren 1426 m

Mendefera 2022 m

Naqhfa 1650 m

Senafe 2445 m

Ekkeleguzai enjoys both Quella (as Zula), Weinedega (Decamare) and Dega (Addiqheyh and Senafe).  But Seraye enjoys only two Quella and Weinedega.

This proves that Eritrea or Eritreans cannot be divided by an area of land that is fairly flat and not very high above sea level or by an area of land with hills or mountains, etc. This puts our Eritrean Muslims brothers who have an idea that divides Eritrea by its geographical nature not on the right side of history.

Also the Eritrean Rivers can’t serve for the idea that wants to divide Eritrea, because they have only one task of unification Eritrean provinces and nationalities. For example the three rivers, Mereb, Barka and Anseba, their birth place Hamasien, leave their origin, Mereb to south and then to west and rivers Barka and Anseba to north of Eritrea. In their course in addition to unification share their waters. I was in Barentu in September 1970. In that moment I heard and saw while the town was welcoming the arrival of Mereb flood of that season. To arrive there the flood took many days.

Plus, can we divide Eritrea into two or more according to religion, history, tradition, etc.? No, we can’t because all Eritrean people have the same history of oppression that teaches unity as the only way out. The perpetrators can be from inside or outside of the circle. Folks have no problem to know foreigner perpet-rators. But there is always confusion when we talk about native perpetrators like Bet Asgada of the past and PFDJ (People’s Front for Democracy and Justice) Iseyas Efewerqi lead ruling party of present. Let us learn something from history of oppression of Bet Asgada in Eritrea.

‘Italian policy in the western lowlands of Eritrea faced problems very different from those of the plateau. On occupying the western provinces the Italians were confronted in the Keren and Agordat region with a unique type of social structure whose generation of fighting has resulted in the emergence of two district social groups, in the Asgada and the Tigre, who have been described respectively as an aristocratic and a serf class. The power of the former are said to have been once so great that they could declare one of their vassals a slave for the smallest offence, the later being then obliged to serve his master until he could purchase his freedom. Such manumission (ጋዕሲ) cost 20 Maria Theresa dollars in the case of a man or 30 dollars in that of woman.

The Italian authorities were on the whole outraged by his system, which was denounced in 1921 by Cont Rossini who likened it to <<a human octopus of a few thousand parasites exploiting great number of vassals>>’ (1).

Also Eritrean highland tells old piece of history that was closed 150 years ago.

<< The land of Gundet were ‘gulti ጕልቲ ’ of the Enda Accolom of Meraguz family, and the Surrucso were gaining user ship rights, paying the relative royal tax subjecting them to heavy taxe by the ‘guleteyna ጕልተይና’ for the yearly delivery of rudders and yokes for one plow or another. At length, the Gundets began to show their dissatisfaction for the continuous abuse of power from part of Enda Accolom. One day …

… the Gundets fought with the gulteyna of Maragzu, achieved victory, and obtained their complete independence>> (2) .

We have seen two contradictions of the past that were between Asgada and the Tigre and between Gundets and Enda Accolom of Meraguz family. Plus we have mentioned today’s prevailing Iseyas Efewerqi lead dictatorship. What do we call these kinds of contradictions? We call them antagonistic or hostile contradictions. These contradictions can be solved only if we get organized, fight, achieve victory and declare independence like the Gundets.

All the other contradictions that we find between individuals, neighbors, groups, nationality and nationalities, religions, town and countryside, state and church, political parties, etc. are non antagonistic contradictions. These can be solved peacefully. Education is their best effective medicine.

In my understanding the idea (of our Muslim brothers) that wants to divide Eritrea has highlighted the contradictions that we find among the exploited people. In other words they tried to teach us that the non antagonistic contradictions weigh more than antagonistic contradictions. This is not right and bears no fruit. Our goal must be how to eliminate exploitation and to minimize ignorance born contradictions. Of ignorance to be or not to be free depends on the education that Eritrea offers. But exploitation produced contradictions, between exploiters and exploited, must be eliminated not tomorrow but now because we are fed up of being exploited. Nobody dares to say this unless he/she is not from Gundets or Tigre social class.

Here is example of wisdom. A mirror that shows past history of a nation called today modern Ethiopia. This nation is where it is thanks to right brain problem solving. The heavyweight Ethiopian nationalities Ormo and Amhara have determined to bury the unburyable past to make untied, modern and great Ethiopia. I believe that in genera all, and in particular Tigre and Tigriyna Eritrean nationalities must learn from this.

In Ethiopia, slavery was legal and widespread; slave raiding was endemic in some areas, and slave trading was a fact of life.[10] The largest slavery-driven polity in the Horn of Africa before the nineteenth century was the Ethiopian Empire. Though its intercontinental slave trade was substantial, the Ethiopian Highlands were the largest consumer of slaves in the region.[11]

In 1880, Menelik II, the Amhara ruler of the Ethiopian province of Shoa, began to overrun Oromia. This was largely in retaliation for the Zemene Mesafint (“Era of the Princes”), a period during which a succession of Oromo feudal rulers dominated the highlanders. Chief among these was the Yejju dynasty, which included Aligaz of Yejju and his brother Ali I of Yejju. Ali I founded the town of Debre Tabor, which became the dynasty’s capital.[12]

In 1889, Menelik II became emperor of Ethiopia. He thereafter set out to conquer Oromia, completely annexing the territory by 1900. The Oromo inhabitants were subsequently severely repressed by Menelik’s troops, with the majority reduced to tenancy and paying heavy tributes for the use of land. Thousands were killed, and large numbers were also sold into slavery.[13] Menelik II and Queen Taitu personally owned 70,000 slaves (3) .

References

(1). Pankhurst, Richard, Economic History of Ethiopia 1800-1935, Addis Abeba, 1968, p.175.

(2). Eoyb Ghebreziabhier, Tigriyna Popular poetry As Medium of Communication, Switzerland, 2010, p. 4.

(3). Slavery in Ethiopia. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Plus: Marinelli, Olinto, Uno sguardo geografico all’Eritrea, in, Martini, Ferdinando, Eritrea Economica, Novara-Roma, 1913, pp.20-60.

Gizie-lewTi.com   Eyob Ghebreziabhier   Swiss  10. 04. 2014

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Fetsum: From the FORUM on NAHDA

Fitsim_new
Fetsum: From the FORUM on NAHDA
My dear readers, the mature discussion in the forum associated with my last article was rich and civilized. I hope this work will collect us stronger and please enjoy it.
From the forum
Quote of the moment: “The key to real winning is to discover how we are the SAME rather than how we are different. In the same token when we shift our focus from how we are different to what we share, we can see the way to let go of fear and our way for success.” Meretse Asmelash
Extremely important Eritrean reality: “So on that day, starting at 0400, we were evacuating our wounded comrades to that area, the battle continued till around 0900. When the guns fell silent I went down to the rear area to see what was going on. There were many activities, but for the purpose of this comment, I will tell you this: I found out that 6 btsot were ready to be buried; a big ditch-like grave had already been prepared. And in fact, they were all buried in that ditch. They are still there. One brave woman is lying among them. One kunama, one Tigre, one Asaorta, and three from our Tigrigna people and religious wise two Muslims and four Christians. I have no doubt that those fine tegadelty were not fighting particularly for their own ethnicity or religion. They died a good death; thinking they were dying for Eritrea.” Mahmud saleh
Mahmud: ““To the alternative, out Jeberti family members should ingrate into the Rashaida ethnic group by permission from the Rashaidas and by statistically proving mandate from that portion of the society or probably hold dual ethnicity (Tigrigna and Rashaida) within the society on the two conditions in brief. They may resolve that Arabic nostalgia or sentiment within the society this way and close their case with the Eritrean society to ever live happier after.”(Fitsum)
I wish you avoided such as the above disparaging statements. Your opinion at least at this point should be limited to whether such organizing patterns contribute positively to the overall drive of realizing a democratic Eritrea; not prescribing your irresponsible remedies such as telling this proud community to go and ask rashaids for a shelter. That’s up to them. But they are as old as your parents in kabasa and they have an inalienable right to feel full citizens.”
Response: A very good remark from Brother Mahmud that needs my immediate attention to pacify the difference. As you said, I should have stopped at expressing my view point on the question of the community leaving the decision for our Jeberti brothers and sisters to make. Although the remark just came out of my mind and I put it down before critically analyzing it, I feel like it was unnecessary and unwise to do. I think I sometimes make unnecessary remarks because of frustration on why we Eritreans don’t really focus on our main agenda rather wasting resources on personal issues, probably because of naiveté as well. Waste of resources in this context being subjective, meaning that what makes sense to me may not make sense to others.
I was trying to find a better way for this portion of our family to accommodate its claimed Arabic culture within our territory when my mind flashed the connection with the Rashaida Eritreans. That was indeed a foul play because it should have been none of my business to suggest a healer to the scenario. As you said, my remedy was uncalled for and I don’t have the right to decide for our Jeberti family.
I, however, believe that the question of the Jeberti women is not the sole responsibility of the Jeberties but that of all Eritreans as well. I cannot fight for Eritrean freedom in segmentation but in full at equal level of attention. I care for our Jeberti daughters as much as I do for the rest of our daughters in the society and it is my responsibility to defend them equally from this terrible regime and the male Chauvinistic culture at large. I cannot see our daughters in separation without deviating from my outlook of democracy and justice.
Mahmud Saleh: “Ato Fitsum: I really encourage you to try to understand the historical background of this sect; the disparaging comments that have been thrown to them in official meetings and so on when you tackle issues such as this; be sensitive.”
Response: You are correct and I apologize for my insensitivity in my remarks.
Mahmud: “At the end of the day, in free Eritrea, it will be communities themselves that will determine their fate and affairs. No one else will have the power of imposing their prescription. As an Eritrean though I agree with your idea that all this ethnico-religuous issues must be solved in democratic Eritrea per a constitution that ensured the participation all the segments of our people.”
Comment: True that communities deserve to independently determine their fate and affairs but only under their constitutional rights based on the concept of equality in a given society. My religion is my private affair that I cannot mix with the national issue which is common to all of us Eritreans. A society should only allow me to freely practice my spirituality but not to politicize it. We have different ethnic groups that make our society colorful. Eritrea would be unimaginable without our ethic differences but we must accept equal justice under the law with full rights to develop our respective communities or ethnic groups without asking for exceptional treatment within the society.
Genet-original: “Dear Fetsum; I am very sure the majority of Eritreans yes, even our Muslim brothers and sisters agree with you about the issue of “Jeberti”. Unless they come out and say what they really want to say to the Eritrean people, I find their party’s demand to be destructive. They are fighting primarily for a group of people who are “Jeberti” I am actually hurt as an Eritrean Christian woman, to hear group of Eritrean calling themselves “ENP” complaining how their women are being treated, but do not care about the Eritrean women who happened to be Christian. This is a party that will go nowhere. Do they know Eritrean Christian families like any family in the world; they don’t want their teenage daughter taken out of her protective home?”
Comment: There is no doubt that Genet personalized this issue a little deeper than the average forum participants because it is indeed personal to Eritrean women. She has a legitimate grievance on this issue as an Eritrean female. The question of Jeberty women is inseparable from the question of Eritrean women in general or it is an inherent or a natural question of the Eritrean women individually and collectively, the reason I sense a stronger emotion in her reaction than the guys’ in the forum. ENP would have better served the question of Jeberty women and would also have gotten better acceptance by our women all inclusive, had it included all Eritrean daughters in its boat of freedom.
When we ask for freedom to our daughters, we need to do it for all of them without bias.
I can understand and fully support the drive of our Jeberti family members protecting their daughters from the destructive government policy based on Islam but I wish they equally bless their Christian sisters with the same bliss through the same spiritual means as well. I think Allah and Islam would appreciate this better because they love them equally.
One may argue that there is nothing wrong for the Jeberty to fight for their daughters’ freedom. I agree and this is what we all want to do in Eritrea but keeping quiet on the fate of the other sufferers of the same problem because of religious difference becomes part of the problem in terms of bias in my opinion, because the Eritrean independence succeeded due to 30% women participation composed of Moslems and Christians to the ultimate goal of absolute equality in the country’s socio-political life. Nahda’s request contradicts with the fundamental principle of gender equality in our country needless to say that it also would, with the inherent Feministic values of our Jeberty women in particular. Nahda’s formula does not provide an answer to our daughters produced by individuals from both religions and particularly from Jeberty and Christian couples.
I am arguing that this contradiction or inconsistency would serve against the interest of the Jeberty women at conceptual level of genuine feminism and would also negatively threaten their significance in the Eritrean struggle for independence, and ethnic, religious and gender equality in the condition they support it without inclusive modification.
Genet-orginal: “I think, the so called ENP party needs some enlightened people (Jeberti) to tell them, what they are doing is not beneficial to any one of us. Jeberti are Eritreans who are Tigrigna-speaking Eritreans who happened to be Muslim. Take the RELIGION factor out of the ENP’s equation, there is no case for their demands. Unless of course, they come out and tell us there is more, other than RELIGION. Therefore, Religion is a personal matter, but Country is a common concern. All Eritreans need to speak up. Our main problem is the lawless regime in Eritrea. Once we have constitution in Eritrea, our people will be treated equally. If they are [do]not the constitution will take care of it. We should work toward getting rid of the dictator and have rule of law in our country.”
Comment: I can feel a little of disappointment in Genet’s slightly emotional remark and I don’t blame her because we are dealing with a sensitive issue here specially to women. I do agree with her comment about the significance of said equation in relation its critical variable (religion) and with her solution to our problems. I want to see what happens to the Nahda equation minus the religion element. Is there another substance to this or that is it?
Mahmud: ‘Regarding the issues of nation and nationality and Arabic language versus Arabization, I think it is beyond this forum’s space; but I still believe this should be left to the community. I am ready to hear from you what would the adverse repercussions of allowing this community be if left alone to deal with these issues democratically within their sphere, of course, I’m talking in democratic Eritrea. I am, equally, ready to learn from you why they should not be allowed to teach their kids in any language they choose. FYI: the constitution states that parents have the right to educate their kids in their mother tongue or any other language of their choice. Why would adopting Arabic as a medium of instruction would automatically Arabise a community?
Response: I fully advocate any community’s right to freely deal with its life independently; I don’t think there was anything otherwise in my article in this regard, but only as long as its activities remain within the constitutional rights based on equality. This is as far as democracy can allow us to do. Practicing Islam or Christianity privately in a respective community is not a problem at all but allowing a group to impose its doctrines on a community and society is dictatorship. We cannot mix religion in politics without mixing ethnicity in it because they are inseparable in my opinion. In so saying, I believe any Moslem community must teach Arabic to its members because the language has the highest value in Islam through the Holy Koran. A parent can teach a child any language of choice but Arabic for Moslems is more personal than other languages and, thus they should prioritize it for their kids but this does not constitute Arabic culture to all Moslems in the world at least according to my shallow contact with the subject matter.
Mahmud: “Ato Fitsum: this is just an additional clarification which might help you understand my point. a, “Is it fair for a non muslim citizen to teach a muslim what Arabic language and its influence means or does not mean to the muslim?” This was a question posed to you by me which I believe was unfortunate and hasty. Let me clarify it: you have absolutely every right to raise that question and discuss it. Bear in your mind, though, when muslims talk about Arabic language it is not so that they want to get Arabised. It has a very important spiritual component and that is:the Holly Quran is not written in Arabic language, for the faithful, it is written in the language of the creator who sent those revelation down, the faithful consider Arabic as the language of Allah(God) and so all Muslims are encouraged to learn Arabic not to get Arabised but to get closer to Allah. “
Response: Brother, you know that it is more than fair for a Moslem teaching a fellow Moslem the Arabic language and its significance in Islam. Islam does not have the power of Arabizng its believers outside the Arab hemisphere and thank you for clarifying this to me. I am not against the Nahda’s desire of being a 10th ethnic group in the country and I don’t care if they become one eventually. Nor am I against them taking advantage of Affirmative Action opportunity within their authentic ethnic group (Tigrigna) should the country go for ethnicity based economic distribution policy in the future. I strongly encourage the Jeberty community to effectively organize itself in defending its rights from the society; to challenge any adversities from the majority Christians within the common ethnic group. I am only questioning the Jeberty’s question of distinct ethnicity based on its religion for defying the concept of Ethnicity as universally understood to be. I am also saying that the issue does not justify the formation of an independent political party as universally understood to be.
Thank you very much for teaching us the significance of Arabic to Moslems around the globe. I believe Islam is a civilized version of Christianity because it came to existence long after Christianity. I am not a Theologist but I feel like Islam might have improved many bugs within Christianity by virtue of its relative youth in contrast. I highly respect Islam for instructing its believers to only follow the Holly Kuran unlike the practice of many denominations in Christianity in this respect. I like it better because it imposes the RAMADAN on all Moslems at the same time where they maximize generosity in the process of the sacred ritual. I see it very civilized in defining one GOD in Allah for the human race unlike Christianity that complicates the supernatural force beyond necessary (the difference between the Pentecostal church, the Orthodox, the Jehova Witness, the Bahai, Catholic, Protestant, Seventh Adventist, etc.) provoking me enough to adopt Buddhism at this stage of my life. I believe I would have chosen Islam had I had a chance to do so before they baptized me for a Christian without my permission and it felt very spiritual to me when I once did a complete RAMADAN fasting in DC.
Mighty: “If we add Bher Jeberti and doesn’t hurt any other Bhers and it makes our brothers and sisters of ethnic Jeberti make them proud and happy, I would say that and that only is enough to grant them.
Isayas and his clueless club HGDF doesn’t want to grant them and it is bad but the democracy seeker deny Jeberti’s basic request is worse. Just for a moment, think if you were one of them – I would ask for my rights and this is one of them.”
Comment: Brother, I would do anything to intensify the pride and happiness of any group in Eritrea, the Jeberty included. Nor do I doubt the problems this group suffered from the majority Christians within the Tigrigna ethnic group. But one of the biggest problems that delayed our success in this struggle has been fragmentation (too many parties) that gives birth to impossible to accommodate conditions based on our immediate environments and communities. It is diverting our attention from focusing on eliminating the enemy once and for all with a united punch. We could not pack-tight the resistance the way we are going. The question of the Jeberty community is democratic by nature that can be solved by genuine democracy in the country but it is not something that you make a political party out of. What I am saying is that the Jeberties may ask for distinct ethnicity in our society as their prior social demand but this alone cannot constitute the right to have a political party by any intellectual substance. I hope you see the difference now and hopefully we can understand each other better. I am confronting the POLITICAL PARTY content of the NAHDA equation not necessarily its question of ethnicity in our society which I still think is an unnecessary phenomenon that can be rectified within the Tigrigna biher through AFFIRMATIVE ACTION in democratic Eritrea if necessary. Nahda’s ethnic question as complicated as is, is to me more reasonable than its existence as a political party based on this demand. I cannot see how it can politically run the country with this outlook minus a complete and distinct political program to that of the other political parties’ in the pool.
Mighty: “Sister Genet-O.let’s keep this simple. Let me ask you a question: what do you lose if Jeberti has its own Bher? I really don’t see any difference to my Bher at all. However, if it makes Jeberti people happy, why not grant them. Who are we to say they deserve it or not by the way? Who gave you or me a Bher to begin with? Who is to say a Bher need to satisfy certain requirements to be called a Bher. Who made that rule/ I would say a person like you and me. Change it. Why not? Even if we have to break a rule, it worth it. I would see it as evolution -things change over time and this should be one of them.”
Comment: Mighty certainly allows unlimited freedom in this particular topic. I love it very much and in fact I happen to be similar in many ways. You can make the Jeberties happier by allowing them to have a distinct ethnicity based on the religiously provoked ARABIC CULTURE connection but you must understand that you do it at the expense of violating the fundamental definition of ETHNICITY as commonly understood universally. Freedom is the ultimate requirement of life but we must lose some of it for the sake of authority because nothing can protect the human race from anarchic actions of the wicked without a society setting up imposable rules on itself.
I think standards are created to unify different ideas through compromise. It is not how you would feel allowing the ethnic question of the Jeberty that matters most but its implication generations down the road through PRECEDENCE. A young guy once told me that he could decide taking “2+2 as being 5 instead of 4 and that he does not have to follow the standard set by whoever set it forth”. Yes he could if he can prove it for there would otherwise be no mathematical rules to explain the universe as anarchy would dictate terms everywhere on the planet.
Things become chaotic unless maintained by definable rules and understandings that construct the reference logic for a society to effectively act on a social matter in reasonable relativity. I don’t think Eritreans can stop the Amiches forming their own ethnic group because of the cultural relationship with Ethiopia as a consequence of CONSISTEANCY if the Jeberty becomes an ethnic group based on its claimed Arabic cultural relationship! The white man could have defined ETHNICITY and that we may challenge it by practically breaking apart from his theory but there is a consequence to pay ahead that I cannot precisely predict. Africans did not accept the conditions by which the white colonizers setup the basis for the definition of a country in Africa (1945 Berlin Conference if I am not wrong) because they liked it but only because that was the best common material accommodation they could depend on in order to peacefully coexist ahead. Otherwise, anarchy will rule!
I am saying that the Jeberty thought stimulation contradicts with their originality at large because Islam does not culturally connect them with the Arabs more effectively than what their actuality/being does them with their authentic Tigrigna ethnic roots. I am not going to the streets to stop them from forming a distinct ethnic group and in fact I may support them instead given my extreme sensation of freedom as a person but I know they cannot change their authentic Tigrigna trademark for it remains to be the same with all its specifications intact. I also think that the energy invested on this cause can produce a better result in the Eritrean society if reconfigured otherwise. I do believe the fundamental rights of our Jeberty family are more important to it than making it a distinct ethnicity out of the Tigrigna heritage.
Genet-orginal: “Dear Mahmud Saleh; I admit, this issue is very new to me. I want Jeberti Eritreans to be as happy as any Eritrean. However, If they are asking for their own ethnicity because of Isayas and PFDJ, Something is not right. What kind of problem is making them feel the need for a new ethnicity? When a group of people are asking for the formation of Ethnicity, it is not only about them, it is also about the whole country. It is very complicated. What would be new ethnicity do for them, rule of law wouldn’t? I think, what we need is rule of law for all Eritreans. I politely ask, Mahmud Saleh and others to give us more info about the history Jeberti in Eritrea. Thanks”
Comment: I am sure there are many issues about the Jeberty question that we don’t understand in full. I wish the Nahda teach us through one article in this website addressing this issue so that we can communicate better ahead. It would be regrettable for Nahda to ignore this request because it has the responsibility to fully educate us about. But it is confusing indeed!
Mahmud Saleh: “I may have made some generalization in my reply such as “Jeberty” Brother Fitsum, I am not sure if the majority of this community supports Nahda, so my remarks should be taken conditionally, that is: if in fact this is the community’s demand without any interference. I agree with your superb introductory remarks. I just ask you to restate the quoted part (of the verdict) in a way that reflects your sincere desire to bring us together. Sorry for taking your time, I am giving you my best advice as a brother and the rest is: Muslims conclude at the end of their opinion with this: Allahu A’elem, which means (this is my ability to do..or state…but God knows best, or its literal translation : God knows better. Thank you.”
Response: There are at least two reasons that can stop me from modifying the verdict which I admit was offensive and insensitive: Arrogance and obstinacy, which are few of the worst diseases suffered by our society that I could give my life for their eradication from the stereotypical Eritrean mentality. Your request is modest and civilized for me to accept is with pleasure. Here is my verdict based on my brother’s highly productive advice,
My Verdict: The brothers and sisters in this thought contemplation should rather concentrate on the big stake. The question of religious equality is a democratic question that cannot be used as a foundation for a national program driven “political party” status. Further, religion has been used in society to oppress women and deny them gender equality. The question of the Jeberties related to women in the Army is Chauvinistic by flavor and against gender equality (anti-woman) in principle by Universal Feministic outlook. Western women would not take them a second to reject this dangerous suggestion against their equality; why should Eritrean women accept this in our society? The question of Jebrety women cannot be separated from the question of international women and from that of the Eritrean women’s in particular.
I encourage the Jeberties to organize better in defense of their community against discrimination from the Christians through democratic rights that can only be achieved by a constitutional authority needless to say that I would never stand against their passion for distinct ethnicity in Eritrea but I prefer this sect fighting for affirmative Action in democratic Eritrea better. This said, I have a problem seeing a legitimate reason to organize themselves at political party value of the paradigm for religious issues are social issues related to freedom and civil rights that have nothing to do with the elements (vision, policy) that constitute a rational political party. Long live our Jeberty family!
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ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ሓደጋ ኣንጻላልዩዋ ዝነበረት ኤርትራውያን ጽዒና ዝነበረት ጃልባ ብሓይሊ ባሕሪ ዓዲ ጥልያን ከምዝደሓነት ተረጋጊጹ።

Boat_Rescue_2

ኣብ መርበብ ሓበሬታ ኣሰና ብ 9 ሚዝያዝያ ከምዝዘርጋሕናዮ ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ሓደጋ ኣንጻላልዩዋ ዝነበረት ኤርትራውያን ጽዒና ዝነበረት ጃልባ ብሓይሊ ባሕሪ ዓዲ ጥልያን ከምዝደሓነት ሓለዋ ገማግም ባሕሪ ናይታ ሃገር ከምዘረጋገጹ ምንጭታት ኣሰና ሓቢሮም።

ብኩነታት ናይቶም ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ተገዲሶም ላዕልን ታሕትን ዝበሉ ኤርትራውያንን ወጻእተኛታትን ብዓቢኡ ድማ እቶም ህጹጽ ናይ ድሕነት ኣውያት ሰሚዖም ነቶም ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ካብ ጥፍኣት ዘድሓኑ ኣባላት ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ዓዲ ጥልያን ብስም እቶም ግዳያት ምስጋና ይብጽሓዮም።

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ምዕራፍ 9፡ ኣባላት ካሜራ 15

Estifanos_3

ክቡራት ኣንበብቲ፡ ኣብ ካሜራ 15 ገለ እዋን 17 ሰባት ኣብ ገለ እዋን ድማ ልዕሊ 54 ሰባት ኔርና። ስለዚ፡ ኣብ ምዕራፍ ብዛዕባ 44 ሰባት’ኳ ዘዕልል እንተኾንኩ፡ ኣንብ ኣንበብቲ 10% ጥራይ ማለት ናይ 5 ሰባት ጥራይ ክጠቅስ እየ።                                                                                           

 

ምዕራፍ 9፡ ኣባላት ካሜራ 15

                                             

        ንዓለም ረስዑዋ። ኣብዚ ህይወት ካልእ ትርጕም’ዩ ዘለዋ። እዛ ሃገር’ዚኣ መዓስከር’ያ።  ኣብ ናይ ጆግራፍ፡ ናይ ስነኣእምሮ፡ ወይ ናይ ታሪኽ መጻሕፍቲ የላን። እዛ ሃገር’ዚኣ፡ እታ 99% ካብ ህዝባ ክነብዕ ከሎ ሓደ ሰብ ዝስሕቀላ ሃገር’ያ።

                                                                               ኣለክሳንደር ሾልዘኒስቲን 

ካሜራ ዓሰርተ ሓሙሽተ፡ ብዘይካ ንብሄራት ራሻይዳን ዓፈርን ንኹላቶም ብሄራት ዝሓቘፈት ነይራ። ብዕድመ እንተ’ረአና ድማ ካብቲ ዝነኣሰ ወዲ ዕስራ ክሳብ ልዕሊ ሰማንያ ዓመት ዝቀራረቡ ሰባት ዝሓቘፈት ነይራ። ኣብ ማሕበራዊ ኣቃውማ መጺእካ ሓረስታይ፡ ሸቃጣይ፡ ነጋዳይ፡ ሰራሕተኛ፡ ማስተርስ ዲግሪ ዘለዎ ናይ ቍጠባ ምሁር፡ ሓኪም፡ መምህር፡ ጓሳ ይርከቡዋ ነይሮም። ንሳቶም ድማ ሲቪል፡ ተጋደልትን ኣባላት ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ኮይኖም ዝርዝሮም ይቕጽል።

1. ኣቦይዑስማን ኣብ ባርካ ጥሪቱ እናጓሰየ ዝቕመጥ ሕዳርበታይ ኮይኑ፡ ሰማንያ ዝረገጸ፡ ኣዝዩ ጽሙእ ግን ወላ ጽልም ኢሉ ይኹን ግርማ ሞገስ ዝመልኦ ሽማግለ’ዩ። ነታ ካብ ርእሱ ዘይትፍለ ኩፌት፡ ውዶ ክገብር ከሎ ስለ ዘውጽኣ በራሕ ምዃኑ ሽዑ ትዕዘብ። ኣብታ ካሜራ ንየው ነጀው ክብል ክትርእዮ ከለኻ ድማ ነቲ ሓለንጋይ ቍመቱ ተዓዚብካ፡ “መንእሰይ ከሎስ ከመይ ዝበለ ጕብዝናን ነብስን ኮን ነይሩዎ ይኸውን!” ብምባል ዓመታት ንድሕሪት ተመሊስካ ንቝመናኡ ብሓሳብ ክትስእሎን ከም ኢራብ እናነጠረ ከሎ ክትርእዮን ትፍትን። እቲ ዓሚ ዑስማን ንብሎ ዝነበርና ኳዕናን ሰብኣይ፡ ምጽያፍ ገዲፍካ ብዓረብኛን ትግረን ጽቡቕ’ዩ ዝረዳዳእ። ትግርኛ ግን ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ኣብ ቤትማእሰርቲ ከም ዝሰምዖ’ዩ ዝዛረብ። ብሰሪ ዕድመኡን ጥዕና ምስኣንን ብዙሕ ምስ ሰብ የዕልልን ይሕወስን ስለ ዘይነበረ ድማ እንታይ ይብሃል ከም ዘሎ መረዳእታ ነይሩዎ’ምበር ክዛረብ ወይ ክረዳዳእ ይኽእል ኣይነበረን። ብወገነይ ኣብ ትግረን ዓረብን ጸገም ስለ ዘይነበረኒ አዕልሎ ነይረ። ሓደ ሓደ ግዜ ድማ ኣብ ፖርትሱዳን ከለኹ ዝለቐምኩወን ቃላት ሕዳርብ ዘኪረ፡ “ናትበሪሃ፡ ናትኪሃ!” እናበልኩ ከስሕቖ እፍትን ነይረ። “ቅድሚ ናጽነት ኣብ ስዋኪን ነይረ፡ ኣብኡ ድማ ብዙሓት ሃደንደዋ ነይሮም፡” ኢለ ከዕልሎ ከለኹ፡ “ሂናክ ፊ ሰዋክን፡ ካን ዋህድ ኢስሙ መሃመድ ሃሩን፡” ክብል እፈልጦ እንተ ነይረ ደጋጊሙ ይሓተኒ ነይሩ። ኣነ ድማ ብሕቶኡ እናተገረምኩ ከም ዘይፈልጦ እምልሰሉ። ምስ ዓሚ ዑስማን ምዕላል ብዛዕባ ብዙሕ ነገራት ከም ትሓስብን ትመራመርን ስለ ዝገብረካ ብዙሕ ግዜ ከዕልሎን ከዘናግዖን እደሊ ነይረ። ብርቱዕ ናይ ስድራ ናፍቖት ስለ ዝነበሮ፡ ዝበዝሕ ግዜኡ ኮቦርታኡ ተጐልቢቡ፡ ‘ላ ኢላህ ኢላላህ፡ መሓመድ ረሱል ኣላህ!’ እናበለ ብመዝሙር መልክዕ ክቝዝም የሕልፎ ስለ ዝነበረ ግን ከም ድላይካ ክተዛርቦ ቀሊል ኣይነበረን። ምኽንያት መእሰሪኡ ምስ ሓተትኩዎ ብቓላቱ ክገልጾ ከሎ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ ነይሩ።

“ሓደ ምሸት፡ ብረት ዝዓጠቑ ካብ ሓሙሽተ ኣቢሎም ዝኾኑ ተጋደልቲ፡ ‘ጤል ክትሸጠልና ደሊና፡’ ክብሉ ናብ ኣግነተይ መጺኦምኒ። ጸላም ስለ ዝነበረ ዕጥቂ ከም ዝነበሮም’ኳ እንተ’ስትውዓልኩ መልክዖም ከለልዮም ግን ኣይክእልን። ጥሪት ሸይጠ ስለ ዘይፈልጥ፡ ‘ኣነ ደኣ ጥሪት ሸይጠ ዘይፈልጥ፡ ካብ ካልኦት ዓድጉ፡’ እንተ በልኩዎም፡ ‘ህዉኻት ስለ ዝኾንና ግድነት ክትሸጠልና ኢኻ፡’ ምስ በሉኒ ተገዲደ ካብተን ዝፈትወን ጥሪተይ ሓንቲ ሸይጠሎም። ጤሎም ጐቲቶም ምስ ከዱ ድሕሪኡ ኣይረኣኹዎምን። ኣብ ወርሑ ምዃኑ’ዩ ሓደ ለይቲ፡ ‘ቅነጽ!’ ዝብል ድምጺ ሰሚዐ ካብ ድቃሰይ ተሲአ። በቲ ብርቱዕ ድምጺ እናተሰከፍኩ፡ ‘እንታይ ዝኾኑ ሰባት’ዮም ደኣ ለይቲ ምድሪ?’ እናበልኩ፡ መን ኢኻ?” እንተ በልኩ፡ ‘ሻዕቢየት ሕና!’ ዝብል ድምጺ ሰሚዐ። ‘ደቅና ዲኹም፡’ እናበልኩ ብውሽጠይ ንደገ ወጻእኩ። ዝኾነ ነገር ከይወሰኹ፡ ‘ምሳና ክትከይድ ኢኻ፡’ ምስ በሉኒ፡ ‘ለይቲ ምድሪ ደኣ ናበይ ክኸይድ?’ እንተ በልኩዎም፡ ‘ደሓን ቀልጢፍካ ክትምለስ ኢኻ፡’ ይብሉኒ። ‘ሕራይ በሉ ክዳነይ ክገብር፡’ ኢለ ንውሽጢ ምስ ኣተኹ፡ በዓልቲቤተይ እቲ ክብሃል ዝጸንሐ ክትሰምዕ ስለ ዝጸንሐት፡ ‘ኣይትኸይድን ኢኻ፡ ሰብ ደሓን እንተ ኾይኖም ቀትሪ ክመጽኡኻ ምተገብኦም፡’ ኢላትኒ ብዓውታ። ዝበለቶ ምስ ሰምዑ፡ ‘ትሰምዒዶ ኣለኺ፡ ብስራሕ መንግስቲ ስለ ዝደለናዮ ምሳና ክኸይድ’ዩ!’ ክብሉ መሊሶምላ ክልተ ካብኣቶም ድምጾም ኣትሪሮም እናተቐባበሉ። ሰበይተይ ሓያል’ያ ነይራ፡ ‘እሞ ኣነ ኣይሰዶን’የ ወይ ድማ ኡይ ክብል’የ፡’ ኢላቶም ብድፍረት።

“ድሕር’ዚ ሓደ ካብኣቶም ናብ ውሽጢ ይኣቱ’ሞ ክረድኣ ይፍትን። ምስ  ኣቕበጸቶ፡ ‘ሕማቕ እንተ ሓሲብና መን ከልኪሉና፡’ ኢሉ ኢዳ ጠውዩ ኣፋ ድሕሪ ምዕባስ ነቶም ካልኦት ክወስዱኒ ይነግሮም። ብኸምዚ ድማ ከም ጤል ተጐቲተ ለይቲ ምድሪ ናብ ኣቝርደት ተወሲደ። ኣብ ኣቝርደት ክልተ ወርሒ ምስ ጸናሕኩ ኸኣ ናብዛ ገዛ’ዚኣ መጺአ። ኣስመራ ከም ዘለኹ እቶም ኣብዚ ዝጸንሑኒ ሰባት ክዛረቡ ምስ ሰማዕኩ’የ ፈሊጠ። ካብ ዓደይ ወጻኢ ኣቝርደትን ከሰላን ጥራይ’የ ዝፈልጥ ነይረ። ከረን ካብ ኣቑርደት ትጽብቕ ትዓቢ ኸኣ ክብሉ እሰምዕ ነይረ። ‘ኣስመራ ካብ ከሰላ ከማን ትዓቢ’ ምስ በሉኒ፡ ‘ካብ ከሰላ ትዓቢ ከተማ ኣላ?’ ብምባል ማራ ዋሕድ ተገሪመ፡” ክብል ምስ ኣዕለለኒ፡ “ካብ ትእሰር ተሓቲትካ ትፈልጥዶ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ኣስዒበሉ። “ኣብዚ ምስ ኣተኹ ሓንቲ መዓልቲ እድሪስ ጸዊዑኒ ነይሩ። ‘ስለምንታይ ኣንጻር መንግስቲ ንዝኾኑ ጅሃድ ጤል ሼጥካሎም?’ ክብል ኣዋጢሩኒ። ኣነ ድማ፡ ‘መን’ዮም እዞም ጅሃድ? ትብሎም ዘለኻ? ኣነ ንተጋደልቲ’የ ሸይጠሎም። ደሓር ከኣ ባዕላቶም’ዮም ሽጠልና ኢሎምኒ። ጥሪት ሸይጠ ስለ ዘይፈልጥ ክሸጠሎም’ውን ኣይደለኹን ነይረ። ላኪን ተጋደልቲ ስለ ዝኾኑ ክብርዓሎም’ኳ ምተገብኣኒ ኢለ ሓንቲ ጤል ሸይጠሎም። ገንዘበይ ከኣ ሂቦምኒ፡’ ክብል መሊሰሉ። ወላሂ! ዘረባኡ ፈጺሙ ክርድኣኒ ኣይከኣለን።

“ካብኡ ምስ ተመለስኩ ገለ ካብዞም ኣብዚ ዘለዉ ጀማዓትና፡ ጅሃድ ብዝብል ክሲ ከም ዝተኣስሩ፡ ክሰይ ከኣ ከም ናታቶም ምዃኑ ገሊጾምለይ። ወላሂ! እዚ ክርድኣካ ዘይክእል ነገር’ዩ። ዕምረይ ይትረፍ ቤትማእሰርቲ ከተማ ከማን ርእየ ዘይፈልጥ ሰብ ካባይ እንታይ ይደልዩ ኣለዉ ክፈልጥ ኣይከኣልኩን ዘለኹ። ላኪን ክንደይ ይጭክኑ! ቍሩብ እተን ጥሪት ከደንግጽኦም ኣይክእላን! ብዘይካይ ክናብየን ዝኽእል ሰብ ስለ ዘየሎ ድሕረይ እንታይ ከም ዝኾና ምፍላጥ ሓርቢቱኒ ኣሎ። በስ ሕጂ ኢንሻላህ ቀልጢፎም የውጽኡኒ ይኾኑ፡” ክብል ዘረባኡ ዛዘመ። ዓሚ ዑስማን ቃላቱ እናጐተተ ክዛረበካ ከሎ ከብድኻ’ዩ ዝበልዓካ። እቲ ሰብኣይ ብሰሪ ዘይምፍላጡ ንኣባላት ጅሃድ ጤል ከም ዝሸጠ’ውን ገና ኣይተረድኦን ነይሩ። ዝፈልጦ ነገር ኣይነበሮን፡ ክህሉ’ውን ኣይክእልን። ንዑኡ ይትረፍዶ ኤርትራ፡ ዓለም ማለት እታ ዝነብረላ ጸባብ ከባቢ ጥራይ’ያ ነይራ። ኣሽንኳይዶ ብዛዕባ ኤርትራ ክፈልጥ፡ ካብታ ካሜራ ወጻኢ እንታይ ከም ዘሎ ነጊርካዮ’ውን ክርዳእ ዝኽእል ሰብ ኣይነበረን። ብወገነይ ብዛዕባ ሻዕቢያ፡ ጀብሃ፡ ጅሃድ፡ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት፡ ወያኔ ዝፈልጥ እንተ ነይሩ ሓቲተዮ። “ኣነ ብዘይካ ጥሪት እንታይ እፈልጥ። እዘን ራድዮታት ብዛዕባ እዚ ትብሎ ዘለኻ ከም ዝዛረባ ኣብዚ ምስ መጻእኩ ፈሊጠ። ላኪን ኣብ ዓደይ ከለኹ ከመይ ኢለ ክፈልጥ ትሓስበኒ? ተጋደልቲ ብረት ከም ዝሕዙ እፈልጥ ነይረ። ሕጂ ላኪን ብዙሓት ተንዚማት ከም ዘለዉ ኣብዚ ሰሚዐ፡” ክብል ፍልልያት ናይተን ውድባት ከም ዘይርድኦ ከረጋግጽ ክኢለ። ንኣብነት እቶም ኣቐዲሞም ዝመጽኡዎ ጅሃድን ድሕሪ ወርሒ ዝመጹዎ ተጋደልትን ከም ዝፈላለዩ ይርድኦ ስለ ዘይነበረ፡ ‘ወላሂ ሞሲባ’ዩ! ኣወል ጤል ሽጠልና ኢሎምኒ። ደሓር ላኪን ካልኦት ብጾቶም ሰዲዶም ስለምንታይ ጤል ሼጥካሎም ኢሎም ኣሲሮምኒ! ባዕላቶም ገንዘብ ሂቦምኒ ከብቅዑ ስለምንታይ ይሓቱኒ? ወላሂ! እዚ ረቢ ዘይፈትዎ ስራሕ’ዩ፡” ክብል ብግርህነት ኣዕሊሉኒ።

ብሓጺሩ ዓሚ ዑስማን ኣብ ቅድሚ ስሳ ዓመት ዘሎ ግዜ ዝነብር ዝነበረ ሰብ’ዩ ነይሩ እንተ ተባህለ ምግናን ኣይኮነን። ስለዝኾነ፡ ተራ ሰብ ክፈልጦ ዝኽእል ንቡርን ቀሊልን ነገራት ንዑኡ ሕልኽልኽ ዝበለን ክትርድኦ ዘጸግምን ረቂቕ ነገራት’ዩ ነይሩ። ኣብ ርእሲ ዕድመ ምድፋእን ድሐረትን፡ ናይ ዓይኒ ጸገም’ውን ስለ ዝነበሮ፡ ኣብታ ካሜራ ካብ ዝነበሩ ኣባላት እቲ ዝያዳ ዘደንግጽ ሰብ’ዩ ነይሩ። ልዕሊ ዅሉ ናፍቖት ስድራቤቱን ጥሪቱን ከም ዝኸፍኦ ካብቲ ሓሓሊፈ ምስኡ ዝገብሮ ዝነበርኩ ዕላል ክፈልጥ ክኢለ። ከም ሓቂ፡ ዓሚ ዑስማን ዝገበረ ይግበር ንዑኡ ኣሲርካ ዝርከብ ፋይዳ ከም ዘየሎ ርዱእ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ዝኾነ ሰብ ኣብ ቦታ ናይቶም ኣሰርቲ እንተ ዝነብር፡ ክኣስሮ ዘይኮነ ጸገም እንተ’ልዩዎ ጸገሙ ፈቲሑ ናብ ዓዱ ምሰደዶ ነይሩ እብል። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ሰብ ሃገር ይኹን መንግስቲ ኣይፈልጥን’ዩ። ብኸመይ እዩ’ሞ ክፈልጥ? መንግስቲ ንባዕሉ ነዚ ሰብ’ዚ ከም ዜጋኡ ስለ ዘይፈልጦ ዝገበረሉ ነገር ኣይነበሮን። ሓደ ዜጋ ንመንግስቱ ከፈልጦ እንተ ኾይኑ፡ ካልእ እንተ ተረፈ፡ ግብሪ ዝኸፍልን ናይ መንነት ወረቐት ዝሓዘን ክኸውን ኣለዎ። ዓሚ ዑስማን ግን ነዚ ኣየማልእን ነይሩ። ተረካብ ኣይትኹን ከም ዝብሃል ግን ናይ ኣጋጣሚ ጕዳይ ኮይኑ ቦታን ግዜን ኣይሓገዞን። ስለዚ፡ ንዑኡ ምእሳር፡ ልክዕ ከም ንሓንቲ ኢራብ ወይ ዓገዜን ዶብ ሰጊርኪ ወይ ኣብ ሕዛእቲ በሊዕኪ ኢልካ ከም ምእሳር ገይረ እወስዶ።

2. ሼኽ ዳውድ፡ ኣብ ትግራይ፡ ጐንደር፡ ኤርትራ እናተመላለሱ ዝነብሩ ብዕድመ ማዕረ ዓሚ ዑስማን ዝስርዑ ኢትዮጵያዊ ኮይኖም፡ ከም ቍመት ሕጽር ኢሎም’ኳ እንተ ነበሩ፡ ቅይሕ ኢሎም፡ ብርቱዕ ጭሕሚ ዝነበሮም ኳዕናን ሽማግለ’ዮም ነይሮም። ኣዒንቶም ናይ እርጋን ይኹን ናይ መበቈል ናብ ጻዕዳ ዝዘምበላ ነይረን። ሳሕቲ እንተ ዘይኮይኑ ኩፌት ካብ ርእሶም ዘይፈልዩዋ’ኳ እንተ ነበሩ፡ ጸጕሮም ዕሙር ስቤት ዘለዎ ስሕው ዝበለ ምዃኑ ምርኣይ ዘጸግም ኣይነበረን። ክስጕሙ ከለዉ ካብ ምንታይ ከም ዝኾነ ሕልኽ ሕልኽ እናበሉ’ዮም ዝኸዱ። ለይትን መዓልትን ቍርኣን ክቐርኡ ይውዕሉን ይሓድሩን ኣብ ርእሲ ምንባሮም፡ ምስ ዝኾነ ዝቐረቦም ሰብ ብዛዕባ ዝኾነ ኣርእስቲ ከዕልሉን ክካትዑን ጸገም ኣይነበሮምን። ብሃይማኖት ተጸልዮም ግዲ ኾይኖም ግን ኣብ ደቂኣንስትዮ ብዝነበሮም ትሑት ኣረኣእያ ምስ ብዙሕ ሰብ ይሰማምዑ ኣይነበሩን። ከም ኣጋጣሚ ሓደ መዓልቲ ብዕላል ዕላል ጕዳይ ዕድመ ምስ ኣልዓልና፡ “ሼኽ ዳውድ ዓቢ ኢኹም ማለት’ዩ፡” ምስ በልኩዎም፡ “እንታይ ክኣቢ ደኣ፡ ገና ኣለሁ’ምበር። ህጂ ካብ ቤትማእሰርቲ ምስ ወጻሁ ሃንቲ ጓል ኣሰርተ ሽዱሽተ ኣመት ክምርኦ’የ፡” በሉኒ ክምስታ ወሲኾም። ዝዋዘዩ ዘለዉ መሲሉኒ፡ “ጓል ዓሰርተ ሽዱሽተ ዓመት ደኣ ጓል ጓልኩም ማለትን’ድያ። እዚ’ኳ ፈጺሙ ዘይመስል’ዩ፡” ክብል ተሪረ መለስኩሎም። ቍሩብ ምጽያፍ ገዲፍካ ጽቡቕ ትግርኛ’ዮም ዝዛረቡ። “ናይ ብሃቂ እኮ’የ ዝነግረካ ዘለሁ፡ እንዲያውም ናይ ኣላህ ነገር ኮይኑ እስሪ ኣጋጢሙኒ’ምበር እቲ ጕዳይ ተጨሪሱ ነይሩ’ኮ፡” ዝብል መልሲ ምስ ኣስምዑኒ፡ “እዚ ትብሉዎ ዘለኹም ብመንግስቲ ኤርትራ ክልኩል ስለ ዝኾነ ዝሰልጠኩም ኣይመስለንን። ምናልባሽ ኣብ ትግራይ ወይ ጐንደር እንተ ኾይኑ ክቕበለኩም እኽል’የ፡” በልኩዎም ናይ ሕርቃን ምልክት ከርኢ ብምጅማር። “ህጂ’ኮ ቀልዲ ዘይኮነ ቁምነገር ኢና ንዛረብ ዘለና ኣቶ እስጢፋኖስ። እቲ ነገር ድማ ሰይድና መሃመድ፡ ሰለላህ ኣሌሁ ወሰለም ፈቂዶሞ እዮም። ኢንሻላህ ካብ እስሪ ምስ ወጻእኩ ናብ ከረን ከይደ፡ ነታ ጓልሰብ ድማ ብህጊ ሸሪኣ መሰረት ኣቅድ ክገብረላ’ዩ ሃሳበይ፡” በሉኒ ርእሰምትእምማን።

ዘረባኦም ክጻወሮ’ኳ እንተ ዘይከኣልኩ፡ ከም ዘይርድኡኒ ፈሊጠ ነቲ ኣርእስቲ ከቋርጾ ተገደድኩ። ካብ ሽዑ መዓልቲ ንደሓር ስለ ዝጸላእኩዎም ድማ ምስኦም ዝነበረኒ ርክብ እናኣዛሕተልኩዎ ኸድኩ። ብኸምዚ ዳርጋ ካብ ብዙሕ ሰብ እናተነጸሉ ከይዶም። ንኣብነት ኣብቲ መጀመርያ ምስቶም ደቂ ሃይማኖቶም ኤርትራውያን ብሓባር ይሰግዱን ይጾሙን ነይሮም። እኳ ደኣ ከም መራሒ ሰላት ኮይኖም ንነዊሕ ቀጺሎም። ድሒሮም ግን ንበይኖም ተፈልዮም ክሰግዱን ክጾሙን ጀሚሮም። እቶም ኣመንቲ ምስልምና ንሕና ዘይንፈልጦ ንሕግታት ስግዳን ብዝምልከት ዘየረዳድእ ነገር ከም ዘጋጨዎም በጨቕታ ንሰምዕ ኔርና ኢና። ኣፍልጦ ስለ ዘይነበረና ግን ተገዲስና ንሓቶም ኣይነበርናን። እቶም ሰብኣይ ግን ኣብ ቍርኣን ይኹን ኣብ ሓዲስ ልዕሊ ዝኾነ ሰብ ከም ዝፈልጡ ንሰምዕ ኔርናይ። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ብዙሕ ግዜ ምስ ኣመንቲ ክርስትና ብዛዕባ እዚ’ታት ምዝራብ ከም ልምዲ ወሲዶሞ ነይሮም። ብዙሕ ሰብ ይግደሰሎም ስለ ዘይነበረ ግን ነቲ ነገር እናዋደቑዎ ከይዶም። ከምቲ ዅሉ ሰብ ዝገብሮ ኣብቲ ምድሪቤት ንበይኖም ኰለል ክብሉ ኸለዉ፡ ዝኾነ ሰብ፡ “ሼኽ ዳውድ፡ ከመይ ኣለኹም?” ኢሉ ዘረባ ክጅምረሎም ከሎ ድማ ናብ ዝደልዩዎ ኣርእስቲ ብምእታው፡ እቲ ሰብ ደኺሙ ክሳብ ዝሓድጐም ሌፍ ክብሉ እዕዘቦም ነይረ። ኮታ ምስ ሰብ ናይ ምዕላል ጽምኣት ስለ ዝነበሮም፡ ዕድል ክረኽቡ ከለዉ ከም መሕለፊ ግዜ ይጥቀሙሉ ነይሮም ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ብዝከኣሎም መጠን ንሰብ ሃይማኖታዊ ፍልጠት ከቕስሙ ይፍትኑ ነይሮም። ሓይሊ ነገሮም ናብ ሃይማኖት የተኵሩ ኣብ ልዕሊ ምንባሮም ንዓይ ጥራይ ስምዑኒ ይብሉ ስለ ዝነበሩ ዝስዕቦም ሰብ ኣይነበረን።

ሼኽ ዳውድ እንታይ ከም ዝኣበሱ ክሕተቱ ከለዉ፡ ብዛዕባ ናይ ሰበይትን ናይ ቈልዓን ጕዳይ ዘበገሶ ዘይመስል ምኽንያት’ዮም ዝህቡኻ። ካብ ዝተፈላለዩ ሰባት ዝምንጩ ሓበሬታ ግን፡ “ናብ ዓቢዓዲ ሰራየ፡ ኣብ ናይ ሼኽ ሙዘሚል በዓል ክሳተፉ ምስ ከዱ፡ ገለ ንጥሩፍነት ዝዕድም መደረ ስለ ዘስምዑ’ዮም ተኣሲሮም፡” ዝብል ነይሩ። ምስቲ ብዘይ ፍርዲ ክንድኡ ዝኣክል ግዜ ምእሳሮም ድማ እቲ ሓቂ ናብዚ ዳሕረዋይ ጠንቂ የዘምብለና። እዚ ኾይኑ ግን ዝገበሩ ይግበሩ ብዘይ ክስን ፍርድን ክዳጐኑ ግቡእ ኣይነበረን። ሼኽ ዳውድ ድሕሪ ውሱን እዋን፡ ባዕሎም ብዝፈጠሩዎ ጠንቂ ዳርጋ ኵሉ ሰብ ጨሪሹ ክርሕቆም ጀሚሩ። እቲ ምኽንያት ከምዚ ዚስዕብ ነይሩ። ገለ እሱራት ኣብ ውሽጢ ቀጽሪ እንዳ ወንጀል ካብ ዘሎ ድኳን ለሚን ዝዕድጉ ነይሮምና። ሸኽ ዳውድ ድማ ነቲ ተጸሚቝ ኣብ ጓሓፍ ዝተደርበየ ለሚን ኣርዮም ክጥቀሙሉ ጀሚሮም። እቲ ዝኸፍአ ነገር ድማ፡ ነቲ ዝተደርበየ ቍራጽ ምራጽ ለሚን ኣርዮም ኣብ ማይ ኣሊኾሞ ይቕንዩ’ሞ፡ እቲ ክበኵዕ ዝቐነየ ለሚን ተባላሊዑ ብሽታ መሬት ምስ በከለ ከም ጽማቝ ይሰትዩዎ ነይሮም። እዚ ዅሉ ክኸውን ከሎ ኣብቲ መጀመርያ ዝፈልጥ ሰብ ኣይነበረን።

ሓደ መዓልቲ ግን ኣብ ጥቓኦም ዝድቅሱ ዝነበሩ ሰባት ሕማቕ ሽታ ኮፍ ምባል ከልኦም። “እንታይ’ዩ ዝሽትተ ዘሎ?” ኢሎም ሃሰስ እንተ በሉ ነቲ ምስ ካልእ ዘይጽሩይ ነገራት ተሓዊሱ ክበኵዕ ዝቐነየ ሽታኡ ዘየቕርብ ለሚን ኣብ ሓደ ታኒካ ጸንሖም። ከም ሳዕቤን ድማ ዋዕዋዕን ዕግርግርን ተፈጥረ። ብዛዕባ’ቲ ጕዳይ ኩላትና ምስ ፈለጥና ንጥዕናኦም ጐዳኢ ከም ዝኾነ ክንሕብሮም በብወገንና ተጓየና። ክሰምዑና ግን ኣይከኣሉን። ምሳይ ጽቡቕ ምቅርራብ ስለ ዝነብሮም፡ “ሼኽ ዳውድ እዚ ትገብሩዎ ዘለኹም ሕማም ከስዕበልኩም’ዩ። ኣብቲ ጓሓፍ ባክተርያ ስለ ዘለዉ ህይወትኩም ኣብ ሓደጋ ከይተእትዉ ኣቋርጹዎ፡” ክብል ኣትሪረ መኺረዮም ነይረ። ዘረባ ሰብ በዚሑዎም ግዲ ኾይኑ ግን፡ “ንስኻትኩም እንታይ ትፈልጡ? ዝምሕር ዝቐትል’ኮ ኣላህ’ዩ። ለሚን ድማ ጺን ከም ዘይብሉ ፍለጥ፡” ክብሉ ናይ ዓያሹ መልሲ ሂቦምኒ። “ሕራይ ለሚንስ ጺን የብሉን ንበል፡ እቲ ኣብ ጐሓፍ ዘሎ ርስሓት ግን ጺን ኣለዎ። ደሓር ከኣ እቲ ለሚን ከይተጓሕፈ ኸሎ ካብቶም ሰባት እንተ ትወስዱዎ ዝሓሸ ነይሩ፡” ኢለ ከረድኦም እንተ ፈተንኩ፡ “ንስኻ ብዛዕባ’ዚ ክትምህረኒ ኣይትኽእልን ኢኻ። የቐንየለይ! ትምህርትኻ ንዓኻ ይጥቀምካ፡” ዝብል መልሲ ምስ ሃቡኒ ቀቢጸ። እቲ ጕዳይ ካብ ዝበልናዮ ኣይሓለፈን ኣብ ወርሑ ብርቱዕ ውጽኣት ስለ ዝሓመሙ ሓኪም ተጸዊዑ መድሃኒት ናይ ውጽኣት ሃቦም። ንግዜኡ ስለ ዝተዓገሰሎም ቍሩብ ትንፋስ ረኸቡ።

ኵሉ ሰብ ዓዓቕሙ እናሓገዞም ደሓን ቀነዩ። ብዙሕ ከይደንጐዩ ግን ሓያል ተቕማጥ ስለ ዝጀመሮም ማዕረ ደገኦም ምቍጽጻር ሰኣኑ። ናይ ሓካይም ሸለልትነት’ውን ነይሩ’ዩ። ኣብ ክንዲ ተቐላጢፎም ናብ ሕክምና ዝውስዱዎም፡ ካፖ ካሜራ ይኹን ኵሉ ኣባል፡ “እንታይ ተርእዩና ኣለኹም! እዞም ሰብኣይ ሕክምና ዘይትወስዱዎም፡” ኢሉ ምስ ኣማረረ ክብገሱ ተወሰነ። ሓካይም ክሳብ ዝስነፉ ስለ ዝተጸበዩዎም፡ ደው ምባል ስኢኖም ብዳጌፋ’ዮም ካብ ካሜራ ወጺኦም። ብኸምዚ ንካሜራ ዓሰርተ ሓሙሽተ ንመጨረሽታ ግዜ ተፋነዉዋ። ኣብ ሰሙኑ ከም ዝዓረፉ ምስ ሰማዕና ከቢድ ሓዘን ተሰምዓና። ሽዑ ሓደ ዘይጽልኦ እሱር፡ “ኣብ ሕክምና በጺሖም ናይ ደገ መርመራ ምስ ተገብረሎም፡ እቲ ዝመርመሮም ዶክተር፡ ‘እዞም ሰብኣይ ብርግጽ ኣበይ’ዮም ነይሮም? ናይ ምሉእ ዓለም ጀርምታት ኣብ ከብዶም ዎርክሾፕ ከካይዱ እዮም’ኮ ጸኒሖም፡’ ኢሉ ተዛሪቡ፡” ክብል ኣስሒቑና። ሓለፍቲ ቤትማእሰርቲ ገበን መርመራ እንተ ዝቀላጠፉ ሼኽ ዳውድ ምደሓኑዶ ነይሮም ኣይምደሓኑን ብዘየገድስ፡ ኵሉ ሰብ ግደፉ ኢሉ እናተቛየቘም ከሎ ብዝወሰዱዎ ግጉይ ተግባር ዘገምታዊ ነብሰ ቕትለት ፈጺሞም ክብሃል ይከኣል።

3. ግራዝማች ገብሩ፡ ዕድመኦም ካብ ስሳ ቍሩብ ዝሓልፍ ጸሊም ሕንክስ ዝብሉ ሰብኣይ ኮይኖም፡ ከም ሞያ ኮንትራክተር ከም ዝነበሩ’ዮም ዝዛረቡ። መእሰሪኦም ምኽንያት ኣብ ግዜ ደርግ ዝተፈጸመ ጕዳይ ኮይኑ፡ ኣባል ቀበሌ ከለዉ ዝፈጸሙዎ ነገር፡ ፖለቲካዊ መልክዕ ስለ ዝሓዘ ብገለ ሰባት ከም ክሲ ቐሪቡሎም’ዩ ዝብሃል። እቲ ጕዳይ ቀሊል ክነሱ ግን ብፖለቲካ ከም ዝተኣስሩ ፈጺሞም ይዛረቡ ኣይነበሩን። ግራዝማች፡ ምስ ሰብ ሕዉስን ብልሓተኛን ካብ ምንባሮም ዝተላዕለ ዳርጋ ናይ ነፍስወከፍ እሱር ጕዳይ ይፈልጡ ነይሮም ክብሃል ይከኣል። መዳቕሶኦም ኣብ ጥቓ ኣፍደገ ስለ ዝነበረት ድማ ሓድሽ እሱር እትው ክብል ከሎ፡ “ንዓ በዚኣ ‘ዝወደይ፡” ብምባል ቅድሚ ዅሉ ሰብ’ዮም ዝቕበሉዎ። ብዛዕባ መእሰሪኡ፡ ዓዱ፡ ስርሑ ወዘተ ሓቲቶም ምስ ወድኡ፡ “ኣብ ከምዚ ቦታ’ዩ ዓድኻ! ኣምላኽ ባዕሉ’ንድዩ ደኣ ስሒቡ ኣምጺኡካ! ብገዛእ ወዲሓወይ፡ በል እንቋዕ ኣብ ካልእ ካሜራታት ኰለል ኣየበሉኻ፡’’ ድሕሪ ምባል፡ ‘‘ናይ ደሓን ደኣ ተኣሲርካ?” ብምባል ሕቶ የስዕቡሉ። “ኣነ’ኳ ብኸምዝን ከምዝን’የ ተኣሲረ፡” ምስ በሎም ድማ፡ “ክላ! እዚ ደኣ ኣየናይ ጕዳይ ኮይኑ! ሕጂ ሕጂ ክፈትሑኻ’ዮም፡” ክብሉ ልቡ ዝመልእ ዘረባ የስምዑዎ። ትሕዝቶ ዘለዎ ሰብ እንተ ኾይኑ ንጽባሒቱ ወይ ኣብ ሳልስቱ፡ “እሞ ከም ጸባ፡ ፍርናሽ፡ እንቋቝሖ መሳሊ ክትገዝእ እንተ ደሊኻ፡ እዞም ፖሊስ ምሳይ ጽቡቕ ርክብ ስለ ዘለዎም ከሎ ገና ክልእከልካ ገንዘብ ሃባ፡” ይብሉዎ። ጋሻ ዓሻ ስለ ዝኾነ ድማ ኣርብሕ ኣቢሉ ገንዘብ ይህቦም። ነቲ ዝዓደጉሉ ንብረቱ ከረክቡዎ ኸለዉ ግን ስሱዕ’ኳ እንተ ዘይነበሩ፡ ከም ፍረ ጻማኦም ካብቲ ንብረት ከም ኮሚሽን ይቝርምሙ። እቲ ጋሻ ኣጸቢቑ ከይተላለየ ከሎ ድማ ንገለ ሰሙን ከም ስርዓት ኣብ ትሕቲ ቍጽጽሮም የእትዉዎ።

እቲ ጋሻ ብወገኑ ክሳብ ዝለማመድ ሰብ ረኺበ ኢሉ ንግራዝማች፡ “እቲ ኣብ ወሰን ዘሎ ሓጺር ደኣ እንታይ ዝኣበሰ’ዩ?’ ኢሉ ክሓቶም ይጅምር። “ነዚ’ኳ ሓርጭ ፊኖ ሼጥካ’ባ እኽሊ ደጊምካ’ባ ኢሎም’ዮም ኣሲሮሞ። ናይቲ ኣብ ማዕዶ ትርእዮ ዘለኻ ግን የድሕነና’ዩ ዘብል! ኣብ መንግስቲ ዝሰርሕ ዝነበረ ሰብ ኮይኑ ሃገር ዘጥፈአ’ዩ። በዚ ዓመተ ምህረት’ዚ ክወጽእ ኢልካ ክትሓስቦ’ውን ኣመና የጸግም፡” ኢሎም ዘረባኦም ከይወድኡ፡ እቲ ጋሻ እንታይነት ናይቶም ምስኡ ዘለዉ ሰባት ክፈልጥ ስለ ዝህንጠ፡ “እቲ ኣብ ጸግዒ ዘሎ ረጕድከ?” ክብል ሕቶኡ የስዕበሎም። ግራዝማች ድማ፡ “ናቱ’ሞ ኸኣ ዘረባ የብሉን! ክንደይ ሚልዮናት’ዩ ኣጠፋፊኡ ዘሎ። መንግስትን ህዝብን ዘደንገለ’ዩ ኢሎሞ። ኣደይ ካብ ትወልደኒ ከምዚ ናቱ ሰሚዐ’ኳ ኣይፈልጥን። ናይዝስ ንበይኑዩ!” ክብሉ ነቲ ጋሻ ኣብ ሓድሽ ኵነተ ኣእምሮ የእትዉዎ። ብሓጺሩ በቲ ዝሃቡዎ መግለጺ መሰረት፡ ጕዳዩ ቀሊል ኮይኑ ስለ ዝስምዖ ካብ ዝነበሮ ስክፍታ ብመጠኑ ተገላጊሉ ፍዅስ ይብሎ። ድሒሩ ባህሪ ግራዝማች ምስ ፈለጠ ግን ዝያዳ ይስሕቕ። ብሓጺሩ ናይ ግራዝማች ነገር በቶም ኣባላት ከም መስሓቕን መሕለፊ ግዜን’ምበር ብኻልእ ዓይኒ ዝጥመት ኣይነበረን። ስለዝኾነ፡ ብፍላይ ናብ ካሜራ 17 ምስ ተቐየሩ ነፍስወከፍ ሰብ፡ “ክላ! ግራዝማች ግርም የዘናግዑና ነይሮም። ኢዶም ኣይስኣኑ ግን እዞም ተካላት ካሜራ ቀዪሮሞም፡ ግራዝማች ዘይብሉ ካሜራ ሳክት’ዩ!” እናበለ ነቲ ዝፈጸሙዎ ተግባራት ብምዝካር፡ ‘ንዓይ ከምዚ ምስ በሉኒ፡ ንዓይ ከኣ ከምዚ ምስ ደገሙኒ’ ብምባል ብዝዕባኦም ከዕልል ይውዕል ነይሩ።

ካልእ ናይ ግራዝማች መስሓቕ ነገር ንሞያ ህንጻ ዝምልከት ነይሩ። ከም ገለ ብዛዕባ ጕዳይ ህንጻ እንተ ተላዒሉ፡ “ንፉዕ ነዳቓይ ኣብ ፎንዳስዮነ ኢኻ ትፈልጦ፡” ኢሎም ዘረባ ይጅምሩ። ንገለ ኣጸቢቖም ዝቐርቡዎም ድማ ገዛ ክሰርሑ መደብ ይሃልዎም ኣይሃልዎም ብዘየገድስ፡ “ኣጆኻ ወዲሓወይ፡ ካብዚ ምስ ወጻእኩ ገዛኻ ባዕለይ ብናጻ ክሰርሓልካ’የ፡” ክብሉ ይመባጽዑሎም ነይሮም። ንሓደ ኣብ ካሜራና ዝነበረ ጆመትራ ድማ ብድሕሪኡ፡ “እዞም ናይ ሎሚ ጆመትራታት እንታይ ይፈልጡ? ንእምፕረዛ ወዲሓወቦኡ’ኳ ዘይኣኽሉ! ንማለቱ እዮም’ኮ ተማሂርና ኢና፡ ባጀላ ኣሎና ዝብሉ። እምበር ክንድ’ዞም ናይ ቀደም ብቕዓት የብሎምን። ንሓንቲ ቪላ ኣብ ሽዱሽተ ወርሒ ክውድኡዋ ዝግብኦም ወረቐት ክግንጽሉ ጥራይ ዓመት ይጸንሑ። ዝበዝሕ እቲ ስራሕ ድማ በቶም ናይ ተሞክሮ ነዳቖ’ዩ ዝካየድ። ሓንቲ ዝበልጹና ነገር እንተ’ልያ እታ ስእልን ወረቐትን ክግንጽሉ ምኽኣል ጥራይ’ያ። ባጀላ ዘይብሉ ኢምፕረዛ ኣይኮነን ዝብል ሕጊ ንዓና ወጺዑና’ዩ። ንዓታቶም ግን ሽሻዮም ሰሪዑሎም ኣሎ፡” እናበሉ ዝያዳኦም ከም ዝፈልጡ ይዛረቡ ነይሮም። ግራዝማች ካብ ካሜራና ምስ ገዓዙ፡ ጕዳዮም ምዉት ግዲ ጸኒሑ ነዊሕ ኣይጸንሑን ካብ ማእሰርቲ ወጽኡ። ከም መብጽዓኦም ድማ ኣብ በዓል ልደት፡ ጋዜጣ፡ ካራሜላን ሽጋራን ምስ ሓጻር ደብዳቤ ኣተሓሒዞም ሰዲዶምልና። ኣብ ካሜራ ዓሰርተ ሓሙሽተ ዝኣተወ ዝኾነ ሰብ፡ ንግራዝማች ብኣካል ይፍለጦም ኣይፍለጦም ብዛዕባኦም ክሰምዕን ከዕልልን ግድነት ነይሩ። እቶም ሰብኣይ ኣመና ህቡብን ተፈታውን ነይሮም። ኣብ ቤትማእሰርቲ ከምኦም ዓይነት ሰባት ክትረክብ ቀሊል ኣይኮነን።

 

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መዓልቲ ካራ (ሴፈ-ጎዞሞ)! 7ይ ክፋል።

Mezeker_800-1

መዓልቲ ካራ (ሴፈ-ጎዞሞ)!       7ይ ክፋል።        11-04-14።

ብሕሉፍ ዘይተገደሰ መጻኢ የብሉን።

……ንሕና ደቂ ኤርትራ ተጻሪፍና ተታሪኽና ደም ከነው ጽኦ እንደሊ ህዝቢ ወይ ሃገር ስለዘብህገና ኣይኮነን ንዛ ረብ ዘለና። ዘዛርበናስ ሎሚ ድማ ተርእዮ ማሕላን መ ሸላን ስለዝበዝሐ ጥራይ ብምዃኑ ዝተበደልናዮ ከይንዛ ረብ ግደፍ ኣፍና ዝዓብሰናስ ቅልጽምና’ውን ከምዘይተ ዓጸፈ ኩሉ ክርዳኣልና ኣይነዕጀጁውን። እቲ ናይ ትማ ሊ ዳግማይ ዝተራእየ ወተሃደራዊ ረጽሚ ድማ ፍታው ን መደብን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከምዘይምዃኑ ከምጸሓይ ቀ ትሪ ስለዝበርሀ፡ ተመሊስና ናብ ዕንኪላሎ ዘእቱ ኣብ ዘ ይሃለወሉ እዋን ታሪኽና ክንፈልጥ ንእንገብሮ ቃልሲ  ብቂምን ተኹታኹነት ጸረ-ሰላምን ክጥመት የብሉን። ዘይፈለጥናዮ ወይ ገና ዝተዓብዓበ ናይ ውሽጢ ኮነ ናይ ግዳም ታሪኽና ስለዘሎ ድማ ከምዚ ዝብል ጽኑዕ እምነት ኣለና። ትማሊ ዝመሰለቶ ንዘይፈለጣ ጽባሕ ንእትመስሎ ኣይክትራ ኣዮን ኢያ”!! ንቐጽል በሉ።

“እንታይ ንግበር”?  ጉዳይ ምሩኻት ዓሳክር ቅልጡፍ ውሳነ ክዋሃቦ ነይርዎ። ዝኾነት ሃገር ድማ ክሳብ ኣብ እዋን ሓደጋ ከይተ ረፈ ዘዘዋጽኣ ፖሊሲ ትሕንጽጽ እንድያ፡ ወነንቲ ዓወት ዓድዋ’ውን ብመሰረት “በፍትሓ ነገስት” ናይቲ ግዜ ቅዋም ኢቲዮጲያ ምዃኑ ኢዩ) ን800 ኤርትራውያን መቕጻዕቲ (ቅጣት) ተበየነ። እንታይ ዝኣመሰለ ቅጣት? ብመንጽር ፍትሓውነትኸ?

ፍትሒ እንታይ ማለት ኢዩ? መንኢዩኸ ፍትሒ ዝደሊ? ንዝብል ኣጽኒሕና እቲ “ቅጣት” (መስለብቲ መሓውር) ከመይ ነበረ? ናብ ዝብል ነምርሕ።

ዋእ፡ መቸም ኣብ ዓለም ብዙሕ ዓይነት ግፍዒ ተራእዩ ኢዩ። ዋላ’ዃ ከይመጸ ክኽልከል፡ እንተመጸ’ውን ክውሕድ እናተኻእለ እንተዘይተገብረ፡ ንከም ኣብዳሚ ሕማም፡ ባህርያዊ ሓደጋታትን መሰላቱንሲ “ተኣዚዙ” ተባሂሉ እናተመኽነየሉ ሰብ ይቕበሎ ይነብር። ሰብሰርሖ ህልቂት ግና ንሕዱር ጽልኢ፡ ቂምን ሕነን ኢዩ ዝዕድም። ዓለምና ድማ ብዙሕ ከምዚ ዓይነት ርእያ ኢያ። ግዳያት መቕዘፍቲ ኲናት፡ ጃምላዊ ግዳያት ፎርኖታት ሂትለር፡ ጃምላዊ መቕዘፍቲ ጎዞሞ ናይ ሩዋንዳ፡ በቢዓይነቱ ብሰበብ ፖለቲካ ዝፍጸም ማሕነቕትን ብዙሕ ወዘተን ክጥቀስ ይከኣል። ነገር ዓለም ኮይኑ ዝኾነ ሰብ ብሞት ዘቕጽዕ በደል ምስዝብድ ል ብሕጋውን ሞራላውን መገዲ ምስዝፍጸም ምቕባሉ ዘገድድ ክኸውን ይኽእል። ብፍላይ ንሕጋዊት ውሳነ ሞት ፍትሒ ስለ ትፍውሳ መድሃኒት ሕነን ዕግርግርን ኢያ። ውሳነ ሞት ብሕግን ፍትሕን እንተጸዲቑ’ውን ብሞራላዊ መገዲ ክፍጸም ይግባእ። እዚ ማለት ብጥይት፡ ብማሕነቕቲ ዝኣመሰለ ተፈጻምነቱ ይርአ። ሕልፍ-ሕልፍ ኢሉ’ውን ብናይ ኤለክትሪክ መንበራት ወይ ዓራውቲ ዝፍጸም ሞት ይርአ’ዩ። እንትርፎ ኣብገለ ሃገራት ምስሃይማኖት ብዝተኣሳሰር ነገር ኣንጻር ስርቂ ተባሂሉ ዝተገብረ እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ንምሩኻት ኲናት ዝተበየነ መቕረጽቲ መሓውር ኢልካ ነገርከ እንታይ ኢዩ? ኣበይ ክፋል’ዛ ዓለምከ ተራእየ?

ሕጂ’ውን ንመንፈስ ፈጸምቱን ፍትሓውነቱን ገዲፍና፡ እስከ ንተፈጻምነቱ ንተዓዘብ።

ብወገነይ ግደፍዶ ንመቑረጽትስ፡ ነቲ ዝገበሩ ገይሮም ንክቕሽሹና ክብሉ “ኢቲዮጲያ እናትኩም፡ እህትኩም፡ ጎረቤትኩም ፍን ጫሕ-መሰንገለኹም ወዘተ….ዝብሉዎ ጣቛ ከይተረፈ ፍጹም ኣይብርሃንን ኮይኑስ ተዛረበሉ ኣይመጻንን ኢዩ። እሞ በሉ እቲ ኣገባብ መስለብቲ መሓውር (እንተላይ ብልዕቲ ወዲ-ተባዕታይ ይሰልቡ ኢዮም ኢለሞም) ምሩኻት ኤርትራውያን ብከመይ ከምዝነበረ ንርእሱ “ነባሪ ፖለቲካ” ስለዝኾነ ባዕልኹም ፋሕቲርኩም ክትረኽቡዎ እንተዘይኮይኑ ብወገነይ ዝነግረኩም ቅንጣ ብ ነገር የብለይን። እንተደሊኹም ግን ከምዚ’ንዶ ሕሰቡ፡-

አእ! ሰብ ምቕታል ከምቲ ኩሉ ካልእ እኪት ተለማዲ ኮይኑስ፡ እንተኾነ ከምቶም ናይ ናዚ ሰራሕተኛታት ሞት ከምዕለታዊ ስ ራሕ ይልመድ፡ ካብኡ ዝተረፈ ዋላ’ዃ እንተዘይተደልየ ንዝኾነ ሰብ ብጥይት ከተዕርፎ ንኩልኻ ግልግል ኢዩ። ሕጊ ጸቒጡካ ብማሕነቕቲ ከተሕልፎ እንተተኣዘዝካ’ውን እታ ገመድ ኣብክሳድ መዋቲ ኣእቲኻ ንዝኸውን ነገር ንዘይምርኣይ ገጽካ ክትክው ል ከምዝካኣል ዝጠቕሱ ኣለዉ። ሓኪም ኮንካ ንድሕነት ሰብ ክትብል ንርእሱ ብዙሕ ድፍረት ዘድልዮ ነገር ኣሎ። እዚ ግን ካ ብቲ ንዶላር ክትብል መቀያየሪ ኣካላት ክትምዝሕቕ ሂወት ሰብ ምጥፋእ ኣንጻር ፍትሒ ብምዃኑ ዘራኽብ የብሉን። ብተወሳ ኺ ብዛዕባ ናይቲ ውጽኢትን ክንክንን ናይቲ ዝውገስ ዘሎ ሰብ ብዙሕ ምተባህለ። ዝኾነ ይኹን መቑረጽቲ ከምፖለቲካዊ መ ቕጻዕቲ እንተተኣሚንሉ ምቑራጽ መሓውርከ ከመይ ነበረ ኢና ንብል ዘለና።

ኣይኣዝዝ እንድዩ፡ እንተተኣዚዙ ግን ዋላ ጽባሕ ብዝኽፈሎ ጻማ ሰማያውነት እንተተኣማመነ፡ ኣካላቱ ንካራ ኣሕሊፉ ዝህብ ሰ ብ ኣይተፈጥረን’ሞ ንጎነጻዊ ውሳነ ምድላው ምርጫ ዘይኮነ ግድነት ምዃኑ ካብመን ይኽወል? ፈጸምቲ’ውን ነዚ ስለዝርድኡ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ ከምዝገበሩ ክከውን ይኽእል ኢልኩም ሕሰቡ።

እስከ ምስሊ የሱስ ኪርስቶስ’ሞ ዋላከምኣብነት ሓዙ። ንሱ ብፍቓዱ ኣብታ መስቀሉ ምስተሸንከረ ክገብሮ ዝኸኣለ ነገር ኣይተ ራእየናን። ነቶም ኤርትራውያን ድማ ጉምቦ ኣካላቶም ክቑረጽ እንከሎ ክመጽእ ንዝኽእል መልሰ-ተግባር ንምልኣም ከምቲ ዝ ተጠቕሰ ንሓደ ሰብ ኣብ ሓደ ቃሬዛ መሰል ዝተጸርበ ከቢድ ገረብ የደቅስዎ’ሞ፡ የማናይ ኢዱን ጸጋማይ እግሩን ኣንሰላልዮም ብመጽዓን ወይ ገመድ ኩላ ነብሱ ምስቲ ጉንዲ ብሓይሊ ገሚዶም ምዕይ ከምዘይብል ምስኣሰርዎ፡ (እቲ ስእሊ ኣዕብይዎ’ሞ ምስሊ ክራኣየኩም’ዩ) ወዮ ክምስራሕ ዝተዋደደ ፍጡር ከየእዊ ድማ ኣብ ኣፉ ጉርማጸ-ልዓት ምስደርገሙሉ፡ ኣዒንቱ ኣብ ክ ንዲ ብቅብጸተ-ተስፋ ዝዕጸዋ ዘልኣለማዊ  ታሪኽ ክስንዳ ክመስላ ንማህደረ ዛንታ እናኣቕባሕብሓ ንዝኸውን ይዕዘባ።

ሓደ ረሳን ሰብ በዓል ፉሉሕ ደም ሰለሙነ-ሳባዊ ወዲ ሽዋ-ይስራኤለታይ፡ ጎተናኡ ከምፋረ ጋውና ኣግዒሱ ጋማ ቀያሕ ጨርቂ ዝኣሰረ ክዳን ሓበሻ ተኸዲኑ ነጸላኡ ተደግዲጉ ብየማናይ ኢዱ መላጸ ዝብልሑ ዱልዱል ካራ ብምዕታር፡ ከምጽጋባ ብዕራይ መሬት እናፋሕተረ ኣብርእሲ’ቲ ብሂወቱ ዝተገንዘ ሰብ ብምዛር፡ ሽዑ የዝሙሩዋ እንተነይሮም ድማ “የፍየል ወጠጤ” ክሽልል ጸኒሑ“ቱታ፡ቱታ፡……..እናበለ ምስፈከረ፡ ንወያ ጉምቦ የማነይቲ ኢድ ግኑዝ ዕትዕት ኣቢሉ ‘ንስኺ ዲኺ ቃታ ስሒብኪ ንወዲ ኣቢሲኒያ ከተላእሚ መጺእኪ ኣንቲ ውርደተኛ”!! እናበለ ብሓያል መነሊከ-ኣሉላዊ ወኒ ካብታ ጉምቦኣ ምንጥል!! ኣቢሉ ንወገ ን የማኑ (ናይ ኣእዳው መአከቢ ምዃኑ ኢዩ) ደርብዩ፡ ብጭራሽ ክመታትሮ እናመሰለ ኣፍጢጡ እናጠመቶ ይሕንሕን።

ከመቅጽበት መሬት ብመኾፊ ዘይበቕዖ ሃይቂ ውጹእ ቀይሕ ደመ-ነፍሲ ተጥለቕልቕ። ሽዑ ንሽዑ’ውን ነታ ግዳይ ከምኣካል ወ ጌሳ ተጸብጺቡ ዝግበረላ መቐምረሪ’ዃ እንተነበረ “ገደደ”! ኢልኩም መታን ልብኹም ከይትዝልሕጠኹም ኣይነግረኩም ኢየ።

ቀምራሮ ንወያ ሓኽሊ መሰል ጉንድብቲ ኢድ ኣብ መቐምረሪ እናደርገምዋ፡ ሰላባይ ከኣ ብኣንባኣ ብናይ ፈራህ ጭካነ ነታ ው ጥርቲ ጸጋመይቲ ጉንቦ እግሪ ዓትዒቱ “ናብዛ ቅብእቲ ምድረ-እስራኤልሲ እንታይ ኣምጽኣኪ ኣንቲ የሁዳ”! ብዝዓይነቱ ክቱር ‘ጀግንነት’ እናኣንፈርፈረ ምንጥል! ኣቢሉ ንጸጋሙ ሰው የብላ’ሞ፡ ቦታ ንቀምራሮ ገዲፉ ክሳብ ካልእ ዝምስራሕ ዝቕርቡሉ ኣ ብ ዝተዳለወሉ መንበር ኮፍ ኢሉ ብኢቲዮጲያዊ ትዕቢት ብርዙ እንዳጨለጠ ካራኡ ይስሕል።

ኣብ ሓንቲ ጉምቦ ኢድ ክንደይ መትኒ ደም፡ ህዋሳት ስምዒት፡ ጀማምትን ጭዋዳታትን ከምዘሎ ፈላጣት ሕተቱሉ። ወያ ፍጥ ረት ኣምላኽ እምባኣር ካብቲ መፈጠራዊ ኣካላ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ብምፍላያ ከምዛ ጭራ ጠበቕ’ዃ እንተ ኣንፈርፈረት፡ ንዋና ኣ ድኣ ይዋኡ’ምበር ንሳስ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ተፋንያ ኢያ። ወያ ቁራጽ ጉንዲ’ውን ዳግማይ ንዘይትጭብጭብ ነገር ተጎልዒማ ትተርፍ። እቲ ብፍርሂ፡ ቃንዛን ኣውያትን መሬት ከየጨንቕ ኣፉ ዝተለጉመ ግዳይ ግዳ ትርፎ ዓፍራን ግዕራን ከምቲ ዝተጸበ ይዎ ወይከ ኣውያት! መብዛሕትኡ ሓንሳብ ኣዒንቱ ምስተዓመታ ኣየምለሰን። እቲ ብሂወት ዝተረፈ’ውን ክመስሎም ክብል ክ ራታዕ ኣይረኣዩዎን። ኣይመሰሎምን’በር ቀደሙ ንዓዖም ምስኣመነ እንድዩ ተጠሊሙ ዝመተ! ሞት’ኮ ከምታ ክትፍጠር ንሳ ድ ማ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ኢያ። ንካልእ መለኮታዊ እምነትን ትጽቢት ዳግመ-ፍጥረትን ከይረሳዕና፡ ኣብዛ ምድራዊት ዕድልና ግ ና ሓንሳብ ንፍጠር፡ ሓንሳብ ድማ ንመውት ባቃ!!

ሃሙሽተአን ፋብሪካታት እቶን ሂትለርስ ኣብ ሰዓት ክሳብ ኣርባዓ ምዉታት ናይ ምዱዃዕ ብቕዓት ነይርወን ይባሃል። ወዮ ’ሓ ርበኛ ሰላብ መሓውር ሙሩኻት’ ከ ኣብ ሰዓት ወይ ኣብ ሓደ መዓልቲ ክንደይ መሓውር ይኽንትፍ ይነብር? ክንደይ ቆረጽቲ ይነብሩ፡ ኣብ ክንደይ መዓልቲኸ ተወዲኦም ይኾኑ ዜጋታትና? መታን ብቆራጻቶም ክነብሩ ዝተገብረሎም ሕክምናኸ……….

ኣብ ማሕበራዊ መዳያቱ እንተረኣና ‘ዓንቛስ ያኢ እግሪ ክኾነለይ’ እናተባህለ ዝሰዓበ ባጫን ውርደትን ኣየርእኹም። ዝኾነ ኮይ ኑ እቲ ሽዑ ዝትንከፍ ዘይመሰለ ሰኽራም ዓወት ጎረቤትና ዘፍ ዝበለሉ ወቕቲ ክሳብ ዝዕለሎ፡ እቲ ሽዑ’ሞ ጣልያን ወራሪ ኮይ ኑ’ዩ ዝመጸና። ‘ሓቂ ንምዝራብ’ ኢሎም ዝትርኹ ክስምዑ ንሱ ንዓሳክሩ ነበር ብሓፈሻ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ንስንኩላቱስ ኣይጠለመ ን። ደቦዚቶ ትፈልጡ ሰባት ምስሎምን ናብሮኦምን ትዝክሩዎ ኢኹም። ሎሚ ድማ ንሕና ገላዩ ኰንና ባዕልና ብምምጻእ ዓዱ ኣዕለቕሊቕናዮ እነና። ኩሉ ተገላቢጥና ጣልያን ዝምስገነሉ ግዜ ኣርኪብና። ንሱ ንስንኩላቱ ብጥይት ኣይኣርበደን ማለተይ’የ!!!

‘ሓሪስካ ኣይሓለፈ ተጋዲልካ’ ክብል ባሺኖስ ሓቁ’ዩ። ክውስኸሉ፡ ሸቂልካ ኣይረሃወ ተሰዲድካ። ዕጫ ኤርትራዊ!!

ስርዓተ-መስለብቲ ብከምዚ ዝተባህለ እንተቀሪጽናዮ ንምልኣተ-ታሪኽ “ኣበይከ ተፈጸመ”? ምባል ኣይተርፍ። እንተኾነስ ንሓ ዋሩ ምስታ ቦታ ንዘይምጽላእ ዝኣክል ኣብቲ ከባቢ ምንባራ ጣራይ ይኣኽለና። ንጭብጥነቱ ግን በቲ እዋን ኩሉ ክርእዮ ግዲ ተደልዩ ነይሩ ብዝኸድካዮ ውዳቕ ቁራጽ ኣካላት ተዘሪኡ ከምዝነበረን፡ ንጉስ ድማ ብዝመጾም ጥርዓን (ራእሲ ወልደንኪኤል ናብ ንግስቲ ቀሪቡ ሓያል ተቓውሞ ከምዘቕረበ) ደው ከምዘበሉዎ ይትረኽ። ሙሩኻት መቸም ኩሎም ተቖሪጾም ኢዮም። እ ንተ’ቲ ብሂል ግን ምናልባሽ ንሙሉእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከየስዕብዎ ግዲ ተፈሪሁ ነይሩስ፡ ‘ብርህራሀ’ ጃንሆይ መቕረጽቲ ደው ከ ምዝበለ ነገሩና።

ዝኾነስ ኮይኑ፡ ብሓደ ዝተፈጥራ ኣካላት በበይነን ክመታን ክቅበራን ክትርእስ ክንደይ ይኸፍእ!

ዓለም ድማ ብፍጡራታ ክትዋዘ ከምዝማዓራ በቲ ሓደ ማእለያ ዘይብሉ ንጹህ ህዝቢ ከምዛዋዛ ክእርበድ እናተዓዘበት ሎሚ ከኣ ሂወት ክትራታዕ ምርኣይ ከምስቅያትን ሓጥያትን ተቖጺሩ እዚ ሓድሽ ዎሎዶ ፈረንጂ ክሳብ ነታ ባዕሉ ዝበልዓ ደርሆ-ሓ ሰማ ክሓርዳ እንተነጊርካዮስ ይትረፍ እንተ ኣርኢኻዮ’ውን ከምኡ ዓይነት ፋሽሽትነት ርእዩ ስለዘይፈልጥ ከይተገረመ ኣይሓል ፍን። እቲ ዝብሉና ሓቆም እንተኾይኖም ብኸምኡ ዝዓበየ ሰብ ንከምኡ ሰብ ክእርብድ ምርኣይከድኣ ምጾታት ዶኾን ኮይኑ?

ኣብ ዝቕጽል የራኽበና።

ጎደፋ፡

 

 

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Where has our humanity gone?…asks Shira Sebban

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April 9, 2014 by Shira Sebban – J-Wire

As an Australian Jew, I am ashamed by the treatment of asylum seekers in both Australia and Israel.

I watch bewildered as the two countries I love descend further in a harsh morass of immorality. Where has our humanity gone? Weren’t many of us, or our families, refugees once too?

On a trip to Israel in January, we found ourselves in the middle of a protest march in Tel Aviv, involving thousands of African asylum seekers. Sadly, as an Australian, their treatment is only too familiar to me, being reminiscent of what has been happening to asylum seekers who attempt to arrive by boat here – with one difference: Australia tends to lock up its boat people, who are not free to protest on the streets.

True, the Israeli government is now authorised to detain asylum seekers for up to a year without trial – it used to be three years until the Supreme Court intervened – in the remote Holot “Open” Detention Centrein the Negev. They can then be placed in indefinite detention until the State decides it’s safe to deport them.

Nevertheless, the Australian system is more severe still, with hapless boat people detained seemingly indefinitely in harsh conditions on the now infamous Manus Island or Nauru, with no hope of ever being settled here.

All officialdom seems to agree that such harsh treatment is necessary to deter further boat arrivals. Moreover, since December, boats have been turned or even towed back to Indonesia “when it is safe to do so”.  As a result, our government proudly proclaims that it is well on the way to achieving its popular promise to “stop the boats” all together, with the added advantage, it boasts, of having slashed the number of asylum seekers reaching Indonesia too.

Yet, as pointed out by Indonesian presidential advisor and former long-time foreign minister, Dr Hassan Wirajuda, “who can guarantee that next year they will not try again because the root causes, like conflicts, war, poverty, push people to migrate”?

Isn’t that why our families chose to leave their birthplace too? What about our grandparents or parents, who left Eastern Europe or North Africa, in quest of a better life elsewhere?

While Australia has now seemingly succeeded in blocking the arrival of boatloads of asylum seekers, the Netanyahu Government’s erection of the US$400 million fence on the Egyptian border in 2012 has practically ended the entry of African asylum seekers who, since 2006, had been making the often harrowing trek from war-torn, dictatorial, famine-ridden Eritrea and Sudan.

Everyone knows that Israel was founded by and for refugees and that Australia too has benefited tremendously from their contribution. True, by world standards, numbers of asylum seekers to both countries are now low: Israel is contending with about 55,000 African asylum seekers – less than one percent of Israel’s population – while in 2012-13, just over 24,000 asylum seekers arrived in Australia by boat.

Contrast this with the more than 45 million people worldwide – an 18-year high – forcibly displaced due to persecution, conflict, violence and human rights abuses, including more than 15 million internationally displaced refugees and close to a million asylum seekers.

Overwhelmed by the sheer enormity of it all, it can seem easier to bury our heads in the sand. But haven’t we been taught that to save a single life is as if we had saved the entire world?

The Australian government claims to be acting out of kindness: unseaworthy boats have to be stopped to prevent unscrupulous people smugglers from taking advantage of the desperate, luring them to their deaths. After all, the statistics are stark: more than 1000 people have perished at sea, while the lives of more than 6000 children have been put at risk.

Moreover, what about the 13,750 protection visas – down from 20,000 last year — on offer to those whose places under Australia’s humanitarian programs have been “usurped” by “self-selecting asylum seekers”, those so-called “queue jumpers”, who, or so the argument goes, are really “economic migrants” with enough money to buy a place via people smugglers?

The Australian government’s military “Operation Sovereign Borders” brands such “maritime arrivals” as “illegal”, just as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accuses African asylum seekers of being “illegal infiltrators looking for work” – despite the fact that the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, to which Australia and Israel are both signatories, clearly recognises the right to seek asylum from persecution no matter how you arrive (article 31).

Denied legal status, neither country allows those asylum seekers still able to live in the community, albeit provisionally, basic civil rights, such as the official right to work. Issued with only temporary visas and denied any chance of family reunion, a poverty-stricken underclass is being created under our eyes.

And yet, until now around 90 percent of boat people have ended up being recognised as refugees in Australia. In its latest cruel move, the government has now decided that refugees who arrive by boat will no longer be eligible for a visa. Meanwhile, in Israel, only 0.2 percent of Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers have been granted refugee status, despite the fact that many more of their countrymen have been recognised as such elsewhere.

Being cruel to be kind? Or rather, out of sight, out of mind?

Of course we cannot expect every asylum seeker to end up in Israel, Australia, or another first world country. Moreover, one day, circumstances may even improve so they can return home. Meanwhile, however, there must be another option to indefinite prison or ultimate deportation for those requiring protection. Surely the ends never justify the means.

As Jews, we are constantly reminded not to mistreat strangers because we ourselves were strangers in the land of Egypt … and Poland … and Algeria … So why not work towards a humane resolution of this global crisis, which respects the inherent dignity of our fellow human beings and treats others as we would like to be treated ourselves?

 

Shira Sebban is a Sydney writer and editor with a background in journalism and publishing.

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ሰፊሕ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ መንእሰያት ኣብ ከተማ ፍራንክፈርት።

Frankfurt_Dmo_women

እዚ ትማሊ ዕለት 08.04.2014 ዓ.ም. ” ናይ ዳብሊን መምርሒ ይወገድ” ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ጭርሖ ዝተበገሰ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ’ዚ ሰለስተ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ሰፊሕ ሰልፊ’ዩ ኔሩ። ኣብዚ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን፣ ኢትዮጵያውያንን ሶማልያውያንን ከምኡ’ውን ጀርመንያውያን
ዘበገስዎን ዝተሳተፍዎን ሰልፊ ነቲ ብዓዲ- ጥልያን ኣቢሎም ናብ ካልኦት ናይ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ ዝኣተዉ ናይ ፖለቲካ ስደተኛታት ናብ ዓዲ- ጥልያን ይኹን ናብ ዝተበገስሉ ሃገራት ክምለሱ ኣለዎም ዝብል ናይ ዳብሊን ውሳኔ ዝነጽግን ዝኹንንን መግለጺታት ኣቕሪቦም ክብሉ ብመሰረት ዕድመ ንማሕበርና ወኪሎም ኣብዚ ሰልፊ’ዚ ዝተረኽቡ ኣባላት ሽማግለ ማሕበር ሓቢሮም።

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Principled & Honest Mouthpiece of the Voiceless should not be touched ‼!

isias_Kissed

Saleh Ghadi, Amanuel Iyassu, Tesfaldet Maharena and all our brothers in Erena are the untouchables for any Eritrean who is united to throw the walking dead system in Eritrea to the dustbin of history.

I remember during the Dergue time there was joke, it says “Who is a revolutionary? A revolutionary is someone who accuses to another one as a reactionary‼”

Similarly, the fact that “Mesgherem” that calls itself “Eritrea’s Mainstream Website” but serves as a mouthpiece of the “Dream Stealers” of the Eritrean people has called our heroes as “servants to Ethiopia” is a big joke‼

The system is the main cause to the exodus of all Eritreans. The exodus is cutting the hands and legs of the Eritrean nation. Therefore our Mafia Group “HIGDEF” is the true Servant of Ethiopia because they are the ones that are executing the Ethiopian dreams and not our Heroes.( Our Heroes  are exposing the regime) and telling the facts to the Eritrean People who are deprived of knowing the facts about their own nation‼!

You cannot imagine in “Mesgherem” from the 20 headlines in the news feed or latest news 3 is about Eritrea and the rest 17 are about USA, Russia and Iran.  The funny part is the news about Lufthansa stopped flight to Eritrea and Turkish Airline will start flights in June was a fresh news on the 09.04.2014‼ It is before 5 months that Lufthansa has stopped flights to Eritrea but “Mesgherem” must hold the bad news until it is able to say “so what Turkish airline is coming”

I kindly recommend you to change your name to “notice board” because your website has no consistency and has no integrity. It has no moral ground to accuse our vanguards and true Eritrean websites that serve the Eritrean people and not the Anti-Eritrean Mafia Group‼

Saleh Ghadi, Amanuel Iyassu, Tesfaldet Maharena and our brothers in Erena could shut their mouths and be indifferent like most of us or be leakers like “Mesgherem” and get paid by the Mafia regime but instead they preferred to be voices for the voiceless regardless of the consequences than to bow for the wrong system. All of them believe :-

“Injustice to one is injustice to everyone”

Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

Dear “Mesgherem”, we kindly request you to have a consistency of what you claim to be and what you post. What is the significance of the blast in Iraq to your “Eritrean” readers? What is the significance of the British Museum and Edward Snwoden when we have millions of issues to cover regarding our motherland‼?? What will it help to tell the “Eritrean” readers about the death in Homs in Syria when many time that number are killed in the dungeons of Eritrean jails? For the blind HIGDEF supporters they are “Weyane” or probably they are touring Eritrea‼ “Zura Nihagherka in Jails” This is a mystery to many innocent Eritreans and the world at large‼

You cannot defend that you are not the notice board of our Mafia Group, I mean your “HIGDEF” Why did I say that? Just to mention only few examples:

1-    You have not posted any interview of Tesfai Temenwo but you posted accusation labeled against him‼

2-   You have not posted any seminars by Dr. Tewolde Vaccaro but you posted accusation labeled against him by Dr? Tzegazeab‼

3-   You post articles from Alenalki or Erigazette or any Ethiopian opposition websites but never from Assenna, nor Awate or Asmarino‼??

4-   You post TV-ERE and ESAT newsletters which is Ethiopian opposition news but never any posting from Assenna or Asmarino‼?? And I can go on and and on‼

Therefore, stop disguising and confusing the innocent readers and take off your Sheepskin and show your true identity that you are wolf too‼!

Our heroes were heroes and will remain heroes regardless of your baseless accusations‼!“ It takes courage, composure and decisiveness to be heroes. Men with such dedications and specifications need not to defend for themselves, we the people who trust them will do instead.

Down to the Dream Stealers of the Eritrean People‼!

Down to HIGDEF and its stooges‼!

H.K

 

 

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People Centered Bottom-Up Approach of Uniting Eritrean Democratic and Civic Resistance

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People Centered Bottom-Up Approach of Uniting

 Eritrean Democratic and Civic Resistance

 

I Introduction:   

After 30 years of armed struggle, Eritrea became an independent and sovereign country.  May 24, 1991 was a day of redemption for the heroic Eritrean people who paid incalculable sacrifices for the achievement of Eritrean national independence and freedom.  However, 23 years later, the dream for freedom, peace and prosperity was snatched from the country by a home grown group dictated by a self-appointed “President for life”.  He has been in power since the country’s independence and has controlled every aspect of political, economic and social life of the young nation.

Every aspect of political life in Eritrea is dominated by the leader’s group.  There is no semblance of modern institutional governance. On the economic front, every aspect of Eritrea’s economic activity is controlled by regime’s companies. The security system is heavily dependent on a network of prisons and underground dungeons. Torture, disappearance, and execution of Eritrean men, women and even children, who show any sign of disobedience, are common practice of the regime. To this day, Eritrea continues to be a country that is run with no constitution, no rule of law, no elections and no free press.  Employing a rule similar to 17th century rule of absolute monarchs, the dictator and his regime are introducing severe measures of total subjugation and militarization of the nation.  It becomes evident that the regime is not only bad for the nation and its people of Eritrea; the regime is toxic for the nation and should be removed expeditiously. In order to remove the totalitarian dictatorship and achieve its objectives, the civic and democratic resistance needs to evaluate its current state and unite and consolidate itself using basic bottom-up approach.

 

II. Current State of Eritrean Resistance for democratic change    

Eritreans have been calling for justice, rule of law, democratic governance and national reconciliation since Eritrea became independent.  However, the regime ignored all calls for national reconciliation and democratic governance. The regime continued a path of complete domination. As a result, the majority of Eritreans are now rising against the brutal dictatorship in a broad spectrum of resistance movements, associations and organizations against the regime.

However, a unified democratic and civic resistance has yet to evolve.  The absence of a defined core mission, articulated shared vision and a winning grand strategy for democratic change are still missing from the resistance movement.  The resistance has yet to overcome the challenges of the residual politico-military culture, fragmentation and splitting, top-down structures of alliances and groupings, and absence of civic democratic unity of Eritrean citizens and stakeholders. Albert Einstein once said “you cannot solve a problem with the same mode of thought that created the problem” fits Eritrea’s condition.   It is difficult to remove dictatorship with the same culture and mode of thinking that created the tyrannical regime in Eritrea. Some of the most pervasive challenges that the resistance has faced include:

  1. Prevalence of politico-military culture:  After the armed struggle for national independence, Eritrea and Eritreans were blessed with an opportunity to enjoy their freedom. Yet, we were also confronted with a challenge to build civic democratic institutions of governance.   Once in power, the regime exploited every opportunity to monopolize political, security, military, economic and social life in Eritrea.  The regime discarded rich tradition of civic culture that was passed on from generations.  Moreover, the leader and his henchmen used politico-military mechanisms similar to the colonial oppressors as a tool to intimidate, control and dominate every aspect of Eritrea.   It took them a few years to concoct a broad military service under the name of “National Service”.  As a result, the politico-military regime was entrenched for the benefit of the ruling dictatorial regime.

At the same time, the resistance organizations were embroiled in their own politico-military groupings.  It is important to note the role that these groups played in the armed struggle.  They played a historic role in weakening and defeating consecutive occupying armies and in consolidating Eritrean national armed struggle for independence.  Rather than uniting all democratic resources and mobilizing for democratic change, the opposition groups were stuck in their old structures and leaderships.  They were fragmented with no cohesive strategy and vision for the new reality of independent Eritrea.  The fragmentation was worsened by fruitless competition among them.

  1. Fragmentation:   It is reported that there are 33 Eritrean opposition political parties.  These political parties have proven to be more of a liability than an asset to the cause of Eritrea.  Democratic Eritrea will be a multi-party country where people’s sovereignty and citizen’s freedom is respected.  What the Eritrean people need at this critical junction is a leadership group that can speak with one voice on behalf of the voiceless victims of the ruthless regime. The main challenge of the resistance movement continues to be the absence of unity and the lack of a cohesive core mission for the salvation and democratization of Eritrea. The traditional resistance groups were divided based on their organizational histories and affiliation during the armed struggle.  New groups started to organize based on confessional, ethnical and other grievances.  Meanwhile, the fragmentation and the proliferation of multiple groups with the same platform (sometimes carbon copy programs) impeded the progress of Eritrean democratic resistance.  Instead of building a goal oriented, civic driven and citizen centered movement for democratic change, the resistance was riddled with ineffective groups dominated by personalities – often tied to pre-independence experience or ethnic and confessional agendas.  Any attempt of unity was tramped and complicated by group leaders with contradictory platforms.
  2. Top-down alliances and groupings: The Eritrean democratic resistance has been growing considerably in numbers. Since the end of the border war of 1998-2000, the call for democratic change grew louder. Intellectuals and senior government ministers called for reform.  However, the regime clamped down all decent and shut down the limited free press.  All dissenting ministers, officials, independent journalists and thousands of innocent Eritreans including senior citizens were jailed and silenced.  Soon the opposition gained a broader support from the people.  Moreover, the Jan 21, 2013 Forto army uprising, led by the heroic Colonel Saied Ali Hijay, exposed the regime further and inspired the resistance.

 

However, much of the resistance movement was dominated by top-down group structures and fragmented blocks with divergent political agendas.   Instead of coalescing on a core mission centered on democratic ideals and civic resistance, the groups focused on their respective organizational platforms. The individual group agenda hindered the resistance from focusing on a comprehensive program for change.  Instead of forming a broad national civic and democratic front to defeat the dictatorial regime, they focused on forming competing blocks and entered into more fruitless competition among themselves.  Top down based repeated attempts of unity of various organizations has failed and disappointed the broader resistance movement for more than a decade.

 

Another cause of failure of the top-down approach was the politics of – “minimum program”.   The minimum program is a catch phrase often repeated by many to justify the fragmented work of various opposition groups. Yes, organizations can establish alliances based on minor programs while they are focused on their major separate programs. These arrangements can succeed: 1) If the programs of the allying parties are not mutually exclusive and not contradictory to each other; 2) if there is an arbiter or some common institution that all parties comply with. Attempts of unity based on minimum programs of mutually exclusive groups without an arbiter or common abiding institution has impeded the establishment of an effective resistance.

 

In other words, the nature of the Eritrean democratic resistance and the resources that are available to it prohibit minimum program based alliances from becoming effective.   The reasons for not becoming effective include: a) absence of common national institutions that are not controlled by the allying parties; b) the platforms and party programs of the allied parties are divergent and sometimes contradictory;  c) Fierce and fruitless competition of the allying parties for domination and control of the resistance;  d) limited resources of the Eritrean democratic and civic resistance was dispersed to satisfy the divergent  major group programs at the cost of the common democratic and civic national program; etc.

 

The top-down approach of unity did not work. The suffering of the Eritrean people in general and the youth in particular and the urgency of national salvation from grave dangers demand more effective approaches to unite all citizens and employ all available resources.  Uniting Eritrean democratic and civic resistance with effective and practical bottom-up approach is an urgent task.

III. Bottom-Up approach of Uniting and consolidating Eritrean Democratic and Civic Resistance.

Eritrean Citizens are engaged in a struggle to restore their freedom and dignity by removing the dictatorial regime.  However, the resistance movement is still suffering from the absence of a united core mission, shared vision and grand strategy to defeat the dictatorial regime.  The culture, attitudes and mode of thinking that sustained the dictatorial regime and exasperated the opposition groups need to be replaced with civic and democratic values, attitudes and mode of thinking.

The core mission of the Democratic and Civic Resistance need to be articulated. Eritrea belongs to its heroic people who paid heavy sacrifices to liberate it and make a sovereign nation. The sovereignty of Eritrea belongs to the people of Eritrea.  Therefore, regaining Eritrean people’s sovereignty and ensuring Eritrean citizens’ liberty, freedom and dignity is the source of the core mission of Eritrean democratic and civic resistance.   

The dictatorial regime is hijacking Eritrean sovereignty and enslaving Eritrean citizens. The removal of the dictatorial regime and its dictatorial apparatus and establishing a peaceful, constitutional democratic system that enshrine people’s sovereignty and Eritrean citizen’s dignity should be the essence of the core mission.   Moreover, the gathering catastrophe that is snowballing on Eritrea compel urgent removal of the dictatorial regime provides an added urgency to the core mission. The bottom-up approach of uniting Eritrean democratic and civic resistance ensures Eritrean people’s engagement and ownership of the core mission.

The core mission of Eritrean Democratic and Civic resistance gives life to a vision that can be shared by all.  In order to bring the core mission to fruition and achieve liberty and freedom, the united democratic and civic resistance needs to crystalize a shared vision of all stakeholders.   Ensuring all Eritrean citizen’s ownership of their nation and their future; enshrining the inalienable right of Eritrean citizen’s freedom to life, liberty and property;  protecting the freedom of all citizens by respecting the diverse and rainbow composition of the Eritrea people should be incorporated in the shared vision of the united democratic and civic resistance.  In order for a shared vision to grow and last through time it must be shaped by the shared view of all citizens. It should not be imposed from ideological leaders.  It has to evolve from the bottom up and emanate from the conviction and beliefs of Eritrean citizen.  As the great leader and icon of struggle Mahatma Gandhi put it – “A small body of determined spirits fired by an unquenchable faith in their mission can alter the course of history”; Eritrean citizens that share core mission and vision can regain their liberty, freedom and dignity and establish a democratic system by removing the tyrannical regime.

In order for a core mission and shared vision to be crystalized, core democratic and civic values need to be embraced and become a culture of the democratic resistance.  The core democratic values including:  tolerance. Respect for diversity, reciprocity and trust in each other — must be respected and practiced by all Eritrean citizens.  The core values of our ancestors and the rich tradition of our society need to be respected and preserved.

Furthermore, the guiding principles of the resistance need to be identified and implemented.  They include:

a)      People’s Sovereignty and Citizen Power: Eritrean united democratic and civic resistance should be guided by the principle of people’s sovereignty. Article 21 (3) of Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “the will of the people shall be the basis of authority”.  The People/citizens are the source of legitimacy.  This has been used as a slogan and as a cover-up by political leaders for too long, and always at the expense of the broader citizens.  Unlike the sloganeering that reduce people to “masses” led by “vanguards”, people’s sovereignty empower citizens and provides citizens to be co-creators of decisions.  It does not provide for hero-worship and blind obedience.  People’s sovereignty and citizen power accept all citizens as equal stakeholders.

b)      Democratic rights and freedoms: various democratic rights and freedoms emanate from people’s sovereignty.  They are naturally God-given rights of each and every citizen.  They should not be limited or curtailed by ideologies, doctrines and other philosophies.

c)      Various guiding principles including: 1) rule of law; 2) transparency;                             3) accountability 4) regular and fair elections 5) economic freedom and property rights, etc. need to be enshrined and implemented at all levels.

 

IV. Foundation and formation of Eritrean United Democratic and Civic Resistance

The Eritrean United Democratic and Civic Resistance’s foundation and formation should be based on the following principles:

  1. Bottom-up structure that provides freedom, liberty and responsibility of citizens in all aspect of their life. Bottom-up structure provides all-inclusive platform for all citizens to participate in their own affairs. It creates trust and understanding of each other. Trust and understanding advances constructive decision making and successful implementation of programs.
  2.  Democratic structure that facilitates full engagement of all citizens and stakeholders. Democratic structure provides effective process of give and take in political decision making.  Moreover, it provides a space and opportunity to vet all issues comprehensively and to reach at an optimum resolutions using available citizens’ wisdom.
  3. Accountable execution of political functions and programs:  Implementation and execution of programs and strategies require individual accountability. The bottom-up approach emphasizes that programs and activities need to be executed with defined performance measures.  All involved are held accountable for their performance.
  4. Dynamic and responsive organizational structure that can meet ever-changing challenges of the struggle: The ever-changing circumstances require that organizational structures need to be adoptive.  The superiority of bottom-up approach’s over the top-down structures is that it compels leaders, actors and agents to be on top of their field and continuously strive to meet the ever-changing challenges.  Since accountability and transparency are the guiding principles of bottom-up approach, those who fail to adopt and change will be held accountable for their performance.

 

The main objective of the bottom-up approach is to unite and consolidate the Eritrean democratic and civic resistance.  Uniting citizens can be achieved by bringing citizens together through direct contact and communication.  Direct contacts and constructive communication can build mutual understanding and experience.  It can be achieved by organizing citizens in a Local Citizen’s Chapter in their respective locality/city.

The local chapters, then, become the basic units of the global citizen’s solidarity for democratic change.  They become the foundation and the main source of legitimacy for the united democratic and civic resistant.  Citizens are not only participants in the chapters but also active co-creators of decisions and activities.   The local citizen’s chapters democratically elect their board/committee to lead and coordinate the united democratic and civic resistance in their locality/city.

In order to achieve their objective of defeating the tyrannical regime, local chapters need to be connected on a regional level by creating national/regional coordinating organs.  The regional organ coordinates activities of all chapters in the region.  It organizes periodic regional level events including seminars, conferences, conventions, rallies and other activities. The national/regional level convention/conference evaluates past performance and draws effective operational strategies of resistance for the region.

The local and regional chapters need to be connected globally to achieve their objectives. Global conference need to be convened as soon as the formation of national/regional bodies is completed.  The global conference should be constituted by representatives of the local citizens’ chapters and leaders of political organizations, civic associations, religious and community leaders and prominent Eritrean individuals. The purpose of the global conference may include approving road map and grand strategy of the resistance at the global level and electing a global coordinating council of the resistance.  The global coordinating council will become the official and legitimate representative of the global citizen’s solidarity for democratic change.

Concerted efforts of uniting Eritrean democratic and civic resistance based on bottom-up approach underway in Northern America and Europe.  Dedicated, justice seeking and democratic minded Eritreans of all walks of life with different political persuasion are forming their local committees and organizing their localities.  Moreover, they have already started to coordinate their activities by establishing regional provisional coordinating organ.  The bottom-up approach of uniting Eritrean democratic and civic resistance is off to a positive beginning. It has started establishing promising platforms for engaging the youth, women, men, veterans and intellectuals. It is like bringing the Eritrean village (Adi/Ad/Are…) into every city and locality where Eritreans live and uniting the citizens to be co-creators of their decisions and activities.

Furthermore, prominent Eritreans, media foundations, civic associations are tirelessly mobilizing Eritreans in different parts of the world to unite.  They are calling Eritreans to rise and organize in unison for democratic change.  Dr. Tewelde Tesfamariam – Wedi-Vacaro has conducted an effective campaign of mobilizing and educating the Eritrean public in diaspora for the last six months with great success.  Assena Foundation’s Amanuel Eyasu has a successful tour to many cities to strengthen the bottom-up approach and consolidate the media for the united democratic and civic resistance.  Many dedicated Eritrean websites are informing and inspiring Eritreans in their democratic and civic resistance.

People-centered-bottom-up approach of uniting Eritrean democratic and civic resistance and the establishment of global citizen’s solidarity for democratic has the following advantages:

  1. Legitimacy of the Eritrean democratic and civic resistance:  the illegitimate regime is exploiting the absence of a legitimate representative in Eritrea. Bottom-up approach of organizing Eritrean citizens will be able to establish an official and legitimate representative of the Eritrean people with manageable effort and with our Eritrean resources at a short time.  The legitimate leadership will have the backing and the support of Eritrean citizens who are actively involved in all aspects of the resistance.
  2. Lasting Unity of All Eritreans:  the difficult task of national unity and the unity of all Eritrean stakeholders will be grounded on the entire Eritrean citizens.  A legitimate and an all-inclusive bottom-up approach would be a solid ground for national unity and unity of all Eritreans irrespective of their ethnicity, religion, gender or experience. Moreover, the unity will be based on active engagement of citizens to create results of national harmony, nation-building and the overarching need for peace and tranquility for the advancement of Eritrean society in all spheres of life.
  3. People’s Sovereignty and citizen’s power: The bottom-up approach’s essence is people’s sovereignty generated from citizen’s power.  Citizens are the source of power. Their active engagement in national decision-makings and activities guarantees the success of the activities.  Citizen’s private self-interest and the common public interest will be balanced in an effective and productive manner for the benefit of all Eritreans irrespective of their gender, religion, region or ethnicity.

 

V. Conclusion:

The nation-state of Eritrea and the people of Eritrea are suffering under a tyrannical regime.  The dire situation of Eritrea is going from worse to worst by the day. Majority of Eritreans are now opposing the regime. A multitude of political and civic organizations and associations and broad based and civic minded citizens are calling and working for democratic change in Eritrea.   However, the multiple political and civic entities and the broader civic minded citizens are not effectively organized and united to successfully challenge and defeat the dictatorial regime.

Top-down attempts of unity and alliances were undergoing for the last decade and half with little or no results. Politico-military culture, fragmentation and top-down approaches have been hindering the resistance from achieving the desired unity for democratic change.   Using people centered, citizen owned and civic driven effective bottom-up approach of uniting and organizing Eritrean democratic and civic resistance is urgently needed. The bottom-up approach with its civic and democratic tenets and practices will help transform the outdated politico-military culture into civic and democratic culture by building civic capacity of Eritrean citizens and their institutions.

Moreover, Eritrean democratic and civic resistance need to clarify its core mission, crystalize its shared vision and build a citizen based bottom up institutions to achieve the desired objectives of democratic change.  Furthermore, a wining grand strategy with clear goals and objectives should be drawn and an effective execution mechanism should be built to unleash Eritrean citizen’s capacities to defeat the tyrannical regime and build a peaceful constitutional democratic system of governance in Eritrea.

 

 

Victory to Eritrean United Democratic and Civic Resistance

Glory to our Martyrs

Asihel Betsuamlak

April 5, 2014

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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ENCDC’s Executive Vice Chairman concludes his North America tour

Yohannes_Asmelash

Mr. Yohannes Asmelash, the Vice Chairman of the Eritrean National Council for Democratic Change (ENCDC,) arrived in the USA on March 17 to tour various Eritrean communities in order to carry a dialogue about the upcoming second national congress of ENCDC, the challenges it is facing and to encourage the diaspora community to stay engaged, help improve and consolidate the institution of the young national council and its workings process.

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Eritrean Refugees at Risk – By Dan Connell

eritrean-refugees-africa

Eritrean refugees face human trafficking, exploitation, and hostility throughout North Africa and the Sahel.

By , April 10, 2014

Hundreds of thousands of Eritreans have fled a repressive dictatorship since 2001. Their small northeast African country, which has a population 4-5 million and was once touted as part of an African “renaissance,” is one of the largest per-capita producers of asylum seekers in the world.

Many languish in desert camps. Some have been kidnapped, tortured, and ransomed—or killed—in the Sinai. Others have been left to die in the Sahara or drowned in the Mediterranean. Still others have been attacked as foreigners in South Africa, threatened with mass detention in Israel, or refused entry to the United States and Canada under post-9/11 “terrorism bars” based on their past association with an armed liberation movement—the one they are now fleeing.

It’s not easy being Eritrean.

The most horrifying of their misfortunes—the kidnapping, torture, and ransoming in Sinai—has generated attention in the media and among human rights organizations, as did the tragic shipwreck off Lampedusa Island. But the public response, like that to famine or natural disaster, tends to be emotive and ephemeral, turning the refugees into objects of pity or charity with little grasp of who they are, why they take such risks, or what can be done to halt the hemorrhaging.

This is abetted by the Eritrea government, which masks the political origins of these flows by insisting they are “migrants,” not refugees, and no different from those of other poor countries like their neighbor and archenemy, Ethiopia. It is a fiction that’s convenient for destination countries struggling with rising ultra-nationalist movements and eager for a rationale for turning the Eritreans (and others) away.

But this is not a human—or political—crisis amenable to simplistic solutions. Nor is it going away any time soon.

The Source

Eritrea’s history has been marked by conflict and controversy from the time its borders were determined on the battlefield between Italian and Abyssinian forces in the 1890s. A decade of British rule was followed by federation to and then annexation by Ethiopia. Finally in the 1990s, after a 30-year war that pitted the nationalists, themselves divided among competing factions, against successive U.S.- and Soviet-backed Ethiopian regimes, Eritrea gained recognition as a state.

Since then Eritrea has clashed with all of its neighbors, climaxing in an all-out border war with Ethiopia in 1998-2000 that triggered a rapid slide into repression and autocracy. It has survived by conscripting its youth into both military service and forced labor on state-controlled projects and businesses, while relying on its diaspora for financial support, even as it has produced a disproportionate share of the region’s refugees. This paradox underlines the strength of Eritrean identity, even among those who flee.

Eritrea is dominated by a single strong personality: former rebel commander, and now president, Isaias Afwerki. He has surrounded himself with weak institutions, and there is no viable successor in sight, though there are persistent rumors of a committee-in-waiting due to his failing health. Meanwhile, the three branches of government—nominally headed by a cabinet, a National Assembly, and a High Court—provide a façade of institutional governance, though power is exercised through informal networks that shift and change at the president’s discretion. There is no organizational chart; nor is there a published national budget. Every important decision is made in secret.

The ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), a retooled version of the liberation army, functions as a mechanism for mobilizing and controlling the population. No other parties are permitted. Nor are non-governmental organizations—no independent trade unions, media, women’s organizations, student unions, charities, cultural associations, nothing. All but four religious denominations have been banned, and those that are permitted have had their leaderships compromised.

Refugees cite this lack of freedom—and fear of arrest should they question it—as one of the main reasons for their flight. But the camps in Ethiopia and Sudan reflect a highly unusual demographic: Most such populations are comprised of women, children, and elderly men, but UNHCR officials in Ethiopia and Sudan say that among those registering in the camps there, close to half in recent years have been women and men under the age of 25. The common denominator among them is their refusal to accept an undefined, open-ended national service. This, more than any other single factor, is propelling the exodus.

The UN refugee agency (UNHCR) has registered more than 300,000 Eritreans as refugees over the past decade, and many more have passed through Ethiopia and Sudan without being counted. The UNHCR representative in Sudan, Kai Lielsen, told me last year that he thought 70-80 percent of those who crossed into Sudan didn’t register and didn’t stay. Thus, a conservative estimate would put the total close to a million. For a country of only 4-5 million people, this is remarkable. And it is the combination of their vulnerability and their desperation that makes them easy marks.

The Trafficking

For years, the main refugee route ran through the Sahara to Libya and thence to Europe. When that was blocked by a pact between Libya and Italy in 2006, it shifted east to Egypt and Israel. Smugglers from the Arab tribe of Rashaida in northeastern Sudan worked with Sinai Bedouin to facilitate the transit, charging ever-higher fees until some realized they could make far more by ransoming those who are fleeing.

The smugglers-turned-traffickers eventually demanded as much as $40,000-50,000, forcing families to sell property, exhaust life savings, and tap relatives living abroad. As the voluntary flow dried up, they paid to have refugees kidnapped from UN-run camps after identifying those from urban, mostly Christian backgrounds (those most likely to have relatives in Europe and North America).

I spoke with one survivor in Israel last year whose story was typical. Philmon, a 28-year-old computer engineer, fled Eritrea in March 2012 after getting a tip he might be arrested for public statements critical of the country’s national service. Several weeks later, he was kidnapped from Sudan’s Shagara camp, taken with a truckload of others to a Bedouin outpost in the Sinai, and ordered to call relatives to raise $3,500 for his release. “The beatings started the first day to make us pay faster,” he told me.

Philmon’s sister, who lived in Eritrea, paid the ransom, but he was sold to another smuggler and ransomed again, this time for $30,000. “The first was like an appetizer. This was the main course,” he said. Over the next month, he was repeatedly beaten, often while hung by his hands from the ceiling. Convinced he could never raise the full amount, he attempted suicide. “I dreamed of grabbing a pistol and taking as many of them as possible, saving one bullet for myself.”

Early on they broke one of his wrists. Later, they dripped molten plastic on his hands and back, during many of his forced calls home to beg for money. After his family sold virtually everything they had to raise the $30,000, he was released. But his hands were so damaged he could no longer grip anything. He couldn’t walk and had to be carried into Israel. Because he was a torture victim, he was sent to a shelter in Tel Aviv for medical care. In this regard, he was one of the lucky ones.

For some 35,000 Eritreans who came to Israel since 2006, each day is suffused with uncertainty, as an anti-immigrant backlash builds. The government calls them “infiltrators,” not refugees, and threatens them with indefinite detention or, what many fear most, deportation to Eritrea. Philmon has moved on to Sweden where the reception was more welcoming, though there, too, a virulent anti-immigrant movement is growing.

Last year, the Sinai operation began to contract due to a confluence of factors: increased refugee awareness of the risks, the effective sealing of Israel’s border to keep them out, and Egyptian efforts to suppress a simmering Sinai insurgency among Bedouin Islamists. But this didn’t stop the trafficking—it just rerouted it.

What I found in eastern Sudan last summer was that Rashaida tribesmen were paying bounties to corrupt officials and local residents to capture potential ransom victims along the Sudan-Eritrea border—and even within Eritrea and Ethiopia—and were holding them within well-defended Rashaida communities there. Such captives would not be counted by government or agency monitors and would not show up at all were it not for the testimony of escapees and relatives.

Last fall, Lampedusa survivors revealed that Libya is becoming another site for ransoming and kidnapping, illustrating that as one door closes, new opportunities arise across a region of weak states and post-Arab Uprising instability. What Sudan and Libya have in common is not the predators but the prey. And the practice is expanding as word spreads of the profits to be had, much as with the drug trade elsewhere. And it will continue to expand as long as there’s a large-scale migration of vulnerable people with access to funds and no coordinated international response to stop it.

Eritrean refugee flows today run in all directions. They’re facilitated by smugglers with regional and, in some cases, global reach. The gangs behind this engage in a range of criminal activities, within which human trafficking is just a lucrative new line of business. Some have ties to global cartels and syndicates. Some have political agendas and fund them through such enterprises. Most are heavily armed.

Under such conditions, a narrowly conceived security response can quickly spin out of control and escalate into a major counterinsurgency, as in Sinai in Egypt. For weaker states across the Sahel, the risks of ill-thought-out action are infinitely greater.

What Needs to Happen 

An effective approach to this crisis would start with education and empowerment of the target population and involve efforts to identify and protect refugees throughout their flight. A key step is the early, uncoerced determination of status according to international standards. This could be coupled with an expansion of incentives to deter onward migration, including education, training, employment, and, where appropriate, integration into host communities. But none of this can work without refugee engagement in the process itself.

Then, and only then, would a security operation targeted at the smuggling and trafficking have a chance of success. But it, too, needs to be multidimensional in substance and regional in scope. Each state in this network is acting independently of the others. Sudan has arrested individuals implicated in trafficking, including one police officer, but has not cracked down on corrupt officials or gone into Rashaida communities to take down the ring leaders. Ethiopia has instituted security measures within the refugee camps on its northern border but is not working with Sudan on cross-border movement. Egypt has launched military operations in the Sinai where the torture camps are situated, but the announced aim is to break up an Islamist insurgency—the government denies there is trafficking taking place. A coordinated initiative would start with a conference of affected states, and it would have to be supported by donor states and appropriate agencies (Interpol among them), not only in terms of aid but also intelligence, logistics, coordination, and communication.

But if the trafficking operations are truly to be rolled up, the marginalized populations from which they arise and on which they depend need to be offered sufficient incentives to withdraw support for the criminals. This means access to resources, economic alternatives to off-the-books trading, involvement in the local political process, education for their children, and more. These people need to be made stake holders in the states where they live, which is not the case today for the Sinai Bedouin or the Sudan-based Rashaida or most of the other groups involved in Trans-Sahel smuggling.

Meanwhile, to dry up this particular supply of prey, political change is needed at the source, in Eritrea. That means at a minimum opening up the political system and the economy, limiting (not necessarily ending) national service, releasing political prisoners, implementing the long-stalled constitution, and ending controls on travel so those who do want to go abroad as migrant workers can do so without illegally crossing borders and going through illicit smuggling networks.

The most important thing the United States can do to facilitate this process is convince Ethiopia to back off the border dispute that centers on a frontier town, Badme, and accept in practice—not just rhetorically—the 2002 Border Commission ruling that went in Eritrea’s favor.

Ethiopia’s intransigence on this issue—and U.S. inaction—has long been the Asmara regime’s most powerful argument for keeping the lid on all forms of dissent. Eritreans will simply not trust Washington—or Addis Ababa—until they see some evidence of good faith.

Dan Connell is a senior lecturer at Simmons College, Boston and a visiting scholar at the Boston University African Studies Center who has been writing about Eritrea for nearly 40 years. He is a contributor to Foreign Policy In Focus.

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ነፍስ ወከፍ ኤርትራዊት ስድራ ቤት ውላዳ ቆጺራ ንመንግስቲ ናብ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ኢላ ክሳብ ዘረከበት(ቃል ኣቶ ጸጋዝኣብ ገብረጊዮርጊስ)

Confusion

መሰል ምጽሓፍን ምዝራብንካብ ዘይፍቀደሉ ሃገር ተወሊድካ ኣብ ክንዲ ንመሰልን ፍትሕን ህዝብታት ምቅላስ ብመዓር ዝጥዕም ቃላት ዘብረቕረቐ ጽሑፍ ኣንጻር ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዝዓለመ ህግደፋዊ ጽሑፍ ኣብታ ኩሉ ፈንፊንዋ ዘሎ መሳርሒት ህግደፋውያን ዝኾነት መስከረም ኔት ምልጣፍ ምስ ምንታይ ይቑጸርሽሕ’ኳ ኣቶ ሳልሕ ቃድን ኣቶ ኣማንኤል ኢያሱን ነዚ ናትካ ጸለመ ክምልስሉ ሕሉፍን ትሩፍን ዓቕምታት ከምዘለዎም እንተፈለጥኩ ኣብቲ ንስኻ ኣልዒልካዮ ዘለኻ ህግደፋዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣልዒለ ዜግነታዊ መሰለይ ተጠቒመ መልሲ ክህበሉ ክፍትን’የእዚ ክብል ከለኹ ግን ሓሳብ ብሓሳብ ክስዓር ስለዘለዎ ነቲህግደፋውያን ኣብ ርእስኻ(ሓንጎልካ)ዘሪኦማ(Transplant) ዘለዉ ልምስቲ ኣተሓሳስባ ብሁሉው ስነሓሳብ ክምልሰሉ ሃገራዊ ሓላፍነት ስለዘለኒ’ምበር ናይ ግሊ ጽልኢ ከምዘይብለይ ክሕብረካ እፈቱ፡

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Italy sounds alarm as 4,000 immigrants land

Boat_rescue

Rome (AFP) – Italy said Wednesday that 4,000 immigrants have reached its shores by boat in the past two days — the highest number since it launched a naval operation to rescue them at sea in the wake of two shipwrecks last year.

“The landings are non-stop and the emergency is increasingly glaring,” Interior Minister Angelino Alfano told Rai Uno public radio, adding that a corpse had been found on one of the migrant boats rescued.

Alfano estimated that 15,000 migrants crossing the Mediterranean had been rescued so far this year and said up to 600,000 migrants from Africa and the Middle East were ready to set off from Libyan shores.

He called on the international community to set up “refugee camps” in Libya and said the next six months would be “extremely difficult” because favourable weather conditions meant more would make the crossing.

Italy reported a 60-percent increase in asylum claims last year — mainly people fleeing the war in Syria — although the number of arrivals is still lower than in the wake of the Arab Spring revolts in 2011.

“Europe must take the situation in hand. It cannot say that, having given 80 million euros ($110 million) to Frontex, the problem has been resolved,” Alfano said, referring to the European Union’s border control agency.

Alfano, who is also head of the New Centre-Right party, also said that “the procedure for expelling those who do not have a right to stay in Italy should be sped up, but we should welcome those who have a right to asylum”.

Boat_Rescue_2The latest increase comes just ahead of European Parliament elections next month and lawmakers from the anti-immigration Northern League — a small opposition party — have been quick to weigh in on the issue.

MPs Davide Caparini and Nicola Molteni released a statement urging Alfano to stop the arrivals “by turning them back” and complained that asylum-seekers were getting better treatment “than any Italian citizen”.

- ‘No more space’ -

But Silvia Canciani, a spokesperson for the Association for Legal Studies on Immigration (ASGI), which carries out research and provides legal aid for asylum-seekers, played down the scale of the new influx.

“The number of people arriving is increasing but it is only becoming an emergency because of the bad management of Italy’s asylum system,” she said.

She warned there was “no more space” in asylum and immigration centres, stressing that vulnerable migrants such as minors risked not receiving the care they needed if they were put up only in temporary structures.

Senator Luigi Manconi from the centre-left Democratic Party, head of the human rights committee in parliament, also agreed the problem was Italy’s own.

“We are not facing an invasion, absolutely not. We have to criticise ourselves for not putting in the necessary measures in time,” he said.

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ጻውዒት ህጹጽ ረዲኤት ኣብ ማእከል ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ተሸጊሮም ብዛዕባ ዝርከቡ ቁጽሮም ዘይተፈልጠ ኤርትራውያን ስደተተኛታት

Rescue_Italy

ካብ ሊብያ ናብ ዓዲ ጥልያን ክሰግሩ ዝፈተኑ ዘለዉ ዛጊት ቁጽሮም ዘይተፈልጠ ኤርትራውያን፣ ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ሓደጋ ኣጋጢሙዎም ኣብ መዋጥር ከምዝርከቡ ብምምልካት ናይ ህይወት ኣድሕን ህጹጽ ረዲኤት ብቴለፎን ሓቲቶም።

ብመሰረት ሓበሬታኦም ገና ኣብ ማያት ዓዲ ጥልያን ኣይበጽሑን ዘለዉ። ኣብ ዓዲ ጥልያን ይኹም ማልታ እትርከቡ ግዱሳት፣ ሓለዋ ባሕሪ እተን ሃገራት ቅልጡፍ ስጉምቲ ክወስዱ ክትሕብሩዎም ብትሕትና ነዘኻኽር።

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VN:F [1.9.22_1171]
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“ሕለይ ዚበሉዎ መርዓውስ እግሪ ሓማተይ ቀጢኑ ኢሉ ይሓዝን!”

Meskerem_Fox_1
ዝገርም’ዩ! ዋላ’ኳ ከምቲ ልሙድ ብዘይካ ኣብ ሊሰዩም (ኣስተምህሮታት ኪወሃበሉ ዚተዳለወ ፍሉይ ኣዳራሽ) ኣሰና ኣብ ካልእ መዓልታዊ ሓደሽቲ መሃሪ ጽሑፋት ንምርካብ፡ ጸቢብ ኣጋጣሚ ምዃኑ እንተ ተገንዘብኩ፡ ከም ገለ ሰበር ዜና እንተ ተረኽበ ኢለ ግን ንሓደ ክልተ መርበባት ሓበሬታ፡ እንኮላይ ናብ ብዓል ከም ኣለናልካ ናይ ህግደፍ ዝኣመሰላ ማዕከናት ወረ ገጸይ ዘወር ምባል ኣይገድፍን’የ። ክንዲ ዚኾነ ኸኣ ሎሚ ምሸት ከም ወትሩ ካብ ስረሐይ ምስ ተመለስኩ፡ ኣብ ሳሎን ብጎቦ ኮይነ ሃሰስ ክብል ጀመርኩልኩም። ኣሰና፣ ኤረና፣ ወጋሕታ፣ ኣዝማሪኖ፣ እናበልኩ ብምፍታሽ ከኣ ኣብ መስደመም ኔት በጻሕኩ። ብሃንደበት፡ ሓደ ብሓቂ ዘስደምም ጽሑፍ ምስ ነበብኩውን ኣብኡ ኣውዓልኩ። እቲ ዘገርም ጽሑፍ ኣርእስቱ ከምዚ ዚስዕብ’ዩ ይብል ኔሩ፥
“ሃገረይ ትብላ አንተኰንካ፡”
ማለት፥
“ሃገረይ ትብላ እንተ ኴንካ…”
ዘርእስቱ ጽሑፍ፡ ስእሊ ሓርበኛን ህቡብ ጋዜጠኛን ሓው ኣማኑኤል እያሱን ክቡር ሓው ኣቶ ሳልሕ ቃድን ኣስንዩ ምስ ረኣኹዎ፡ ደጋጊመ ነቢበዮ። ድሕሪ’ቲ ትርጉሙ ብንጹር ዘይርድኣካ ኣርእስቲ ምንባበይ ከኣ ነቲ ኣብ እግሩ ዝነበረ ካብ ሓሙሽተ መስመር ዘይሓልፍ ጽሑፍ ቀጺለ ነበብኩ። እናነበብኩ ከለኹ ግን “ወኻርያስ ጻድቕ ክትመስል ዝዋዉዕ ትኣስር!” እትብል ምስላ ኣቦዋት ሃንደበት ቅጅል ኢላትኒ። ብልበይ ድማ ደገምኩዋ። ብመገረም ኔት እውን ከም ወትሩ ኣዝየ ተገረምኩ። ያኢ እዛ ንየዋሃት፣ ሰንኮፋት፣ ስልንስላት (ነግፈረግ በሃልቲ) ሕዩራት መረባዕ፣ ደለይቲ ምኽንያትን ተበለጽትን ንምድዕዓስን ‘ካብ ህግደፍ ዝሓይሽ የለን!’ ብምባል እናኣመኽነዩን እናወደሱን ኣብ ትሪም ዝበለት ከበሮ ብምስዕሳዕ ስቓይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ምንዋሕ ክሳዶም ንኸትርሩ ዝከኣላ ትገብር ዘላ ሃርደ ቢሳ (ኣንፈታ ዘይፍሉጥ) መርበብ ሓበሬታስ፡ ያኢ ሓላይት ሃገርን ህዝብን ክትመስል፡ ነቲ ዓለም ብዓለሙ ዝፈልጦ ድኽመት ዓምቢ (ምስ ወደቐ ወይ ድማ ብደዉ ከሎ ነቒጹ ኪዕምብዂ ዚጀመረ ቆልቋል) ህግደፍ ብጉልባብ ሃገራውነት ክትሸፋፍን ምፍታና ኣስደሚሙኒ።
ጃንዳ ህግደፍ ኣብ ዙይን (ሬሳ ናብ መቓብር ዚወስድ መሐንገጢ ባላታት ዘለዎ ዓራት) ተሰቒሉ ኣጐበር (ናይ ዙይን መኽደኒ ረጒድ ምንጻፍ መሳሊ ጸሊም ሽፋን) ተኸዲኑ ቀባሪ ዝጽበ ዘሎ ናይ ውሑዳን ኣዕናዊ ጉጅለ ምዃኑ ንወያነ ያኢ ጠፊኡዎስ ካብ ብዓል ኣማኑኤል እያሱ ነጋሪ ደልዩ! እዚ ደኣ’ሞ ንቐባሪ ከም ምርዳእ እንዳኣሉ ዚሕሰብ! ንማለቱ ኢና ንዛረብ ዘለና’ምበር ልዕልና ሕጊ ብሓይሊ ከም ዝዕቀብ፡ ዚሓየለ ኣጽዋር ሓይሊውን ሓድነት ምዃኑ ንዝፈልጥ ሰብሲ ብዛዕባ’ዚ መብርሂውን ዘድልዮ ኣይኮነን።
ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኸኣ ፈንጊ (ጃንዳ) ህግደፍ፡ ነዘን ክልተ ኣዝየን ኣገደስቲ ግምጃ ክብሪ ስለ ዝቐንጠጦ’ዩ ከም ሓደ ንዘይከኣል ከም ዝከኣል ዝገበረ ሃጥር (ጅግና)፡ መሬቱን ክብሩን ከየኽብር፡ ሎሚ ነቲ ሕጊ ዓለም እጀታኡ ከም ዝኾነ ዝነገሮ መሬቱ፡ ዓንተር ጎረቤት ብሓይሉ ጎቢጡ ንልዕሊ ዓሰርተው ሽዱሽተ ዓመታት ኣራጢጡሉ ከሎ ኣማዕድዩ ዝርእዮ ዘሎ። እወ፡ ብሰንኪ’ዚ ‘ናትካ’የ’ እናበለ ኣይኮነን ዶባቱን መሬቱን ከኽብር፡ ካብ ተዋጋኢት ላምውን ከድሕኖ ዘይክእል፡ ብዘይካ ምሕላው ስልጣኑ ካልእ ኣጀንዳ ዘይብሉ ደማሒ ተደፊሩ፡ ርእሱ ደፊኡ ዝነብር ዘሎ። ብርግጽ፡ እዚ ሕሱርን ስዑርን ጉጅለ’ዚ፡ ብኣፉ፣ ብእግሩ ብኢዱን ስለ ዝቐየዶዶ ኣይኮነን ነቲ ብወያነ ተጠሪሩ ዘሎ መሬቱ፡ ክንደይ ኣባጽሕ ከም ዘይከፈለሉ፡ ምእንቲ ስልጣን መላኺ ኣብ ሓደጋ ከይኣቱ፡ ምስ ምሉእ፡ መሬቱ ናይ ምኽባር መሰሉ፡ ኮር ተገምጠል ኮይኑ፡ ብእገዳን ወዲ እገዳን እናተዳህከ ብቁዝማ ኣማዕድዩ ዝርእዮ ዘሎ!
ኣንቲ ወ/ሮ መስደመም ኔት፡ ከምቲ፥ “ኣብዑር ምስላ ለመዱ፡ ሳዕሮም በሊዖም ከይጽመዱ” ዝብሉዎ ኮይኑኒ ናትኪ ነገር። ንሓርበኛታትን ውፉያትን ምውንጃልስ መልስሉ ደኣ፡ በዚ ዝርከብ ሃገራውነትን ተደናጋጽነትንሲ ዘሎ ኣይመስለንን። ኣይኮነንዶ እቲ ቀልቢ ዘሎዎ ክቡር ወዲ ሰብሲ እንስሳታትውን እንተኾኑ እዚ ፍሹል ክስኺ ጠላሕ ኣይብሎምን’ዩ። ስለዚ፡ ቅልጥፍ ኢልኪ ክስኺ ኣልዕሊ! ብሓቂ’የ ዝብለኪ መስደመም ኔት፡ “ሕለይ ዚበሉዎ መርዓውስ እግሪ ሓማተይ ቀጢኑ ኢሉ ይሓዝን!” ከም ዝብሃል፡ ጽባሕ ንግሆ ሓዳርኪ ምስ ጃንዳ ህግደፍ ዘይኮነስ ምስ ህዝቢ ኢኺ ክትወጺ’ሞ ብዛዕባ ህግደፍ ምሽቓል ገዲፍክስ ብዛዕባ ህዝቢ ደኣ ሕሰቢ።
ብሽንሆት ንኽንነብር፡ ዕምሪ ምልኪ ነሕጽር!
ካብ ሓውኹም መሲናስ 08/04/2014
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VN:F [1.9.22_1171]
Rating: +5 (from 13 votes)

እንታይ እያ ጌራትካ እዛ ኤርትራ?

Isaias_Af_D

ኣብ ኤርትራ ጭርጭር ትጻወት ዞሎኻ ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ፡

ቐደምሲ ጸሊም መነጸር ጌርካ፤ ብቅልጡፋት ነፈርቲ ትዛወር ኔርካ፤

ኣብ ዝደለኻዮ ሃገር ትበጽሕ ኔርካ፤ እንታይ እዩ ተረኺቡ ወዲ በቃ፤

ሓንሳብ ኣብ ባጽዕ፤ ሓንሳብ ኣብ ዓሻ ጎልጎል ትሕባእ ዘሎኻ መራሒ ሃገር ተባሂልካ፤

ሓንሳብ ተሓቢእካ ንሱዳን ትኣቱ፤ ሓንሳብ ተሓቢእካ ንኬንያ ትኽይድ ዘሎኻ፤

ሕጂ ግን እግርኻ ኣኪብካ፤ ካብ መቃብራት ስውኣት ፈሪሕካ ትብህርር ዘሎኻ፤

ኣይ ኣብ ኩሉ እንድዮም ዘሎዉ፤ ኣበይከ ዘየሎዉ? ሓቑፋቶም ኣላ ዘይመሬትካ፤

 

ካን ኣኺሉካ ምስ እታ “እንኮ” ጭሕምኻ ኮይኑ ዘረባኻ፤ ተዘግፈ ተጸልማ ዘሎኻ፤

ኣበይ ኣትየን እተን ቁልጡፋት ነፈርቲ፤ ኣበይ ኣሎዉ በዓል “ኤማ”፤ በዓል ቫይናክ፤ ዓሊ ብርሂንን፤

በዓል ወዲ መቀለኸ፤ ኣሪጎም ድዮም? ቅርጥማት ሒዝዎም ድዩ? ኤእ ሎሚ ከም ቀደም ወስ ዮሎን፤

ይዝከርካዶ ኩላ ክትሽቁረር፤ ኩላ ክትርዕድ፤ ብድምጽኻ ብትርኢትካ፤

ሸውሃትካ ከመይ ኣሎ? ክሓተካ ናይ ብሓቂ፤ ትድቅስዶ ኣሎኻ ከምቀደምካ?

 

እንታይ እያ ጌራትካ እዛ ኤርትራ ክሓተካ፤ ስጋ ኣስካሉ ኢለ፤ እንታይ እያ ጌራትካ?

እስከ ኣማኽረኒ፤ ክዓርቐካ፤ እንታይ ኢያ ጌራትካ፤ ሳላ ዝዓንገለትካ፤ ዝሓቆፈትካ፤

ዘምሃረትካ፤ እዚ ትፈድያስ፤ ኦቶም ስድራኻ፤ ኦቶም ኣሕዋትካ ተሸቁሪሮም ኣክንዳኻ፤

ይዝከረካዶ እምቦቲቶ ዴቺ ኮላ? በራድ ሻሂ ናይ ቺንኩወ ክልተ ሰብ ክተስቲ?

ብቅርሺ ተዓንጊሉ ዝወዓል ከምዘይነበረ፤ ብ 35 ሳንቲም ፊልምታት ከምዘይተራእየ፤

ስብ ጠምያ ኣብ ማእከል ኣስመራ፤ ኮሚሽታቶ ጨኒዩ፤ ኣብ ማርሻፔዲ ሳዕሪ በቂሉ፤

ነዓ፤ ኣይፋልካን ኣይከኣልካዮን፤ ንሱ ጥራሕ ከይኣክል፤ ነቶም ዝኽእሉ ኩሎም አህዲምካዮም፤

ልክዕ ከምቲ ነቶም ኩሎም ተዋጊኦም ዘዋግኡ ዘሕቐካዮም፤ ሕጂ ንሃገር ኩላ ተሕቕቓ ኣሎኻ።

ዮናስ ገብረዝጊ

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Sudan isolation grows as major banks pull out

AlBeshirSudan

Major European and Saudi banks have stopped dealings with Sudan, further straining indebted and cash-starved economy.

Major European and Saudi banks have stopped dealing with Sudan, diplomatic and other sources say, adding to the sanctions-hit country’s isolation and further straining its indebted, cash-starved economy.

While Khartoum blames increased “pressure” from a US trade embargo first imposed 17 years ago, a US official said there had been no change in policy from Washington, according to the AFP news agency.

The move by the European banks appears to reflect an increasingly cautious attitude by financial institutions which do not want to risk being found in violation of US sanctions, a Western diplomat said.

“I think this is something actually mushrooming,” he said of the risk aversion.

Germany’s Commerzbank was the latest to sever its Sudan connection, according to diplomats.

The bank had no comment when reached by AFP.

In 2012, the British banks HSBC and Standard Chartered were fined $1.92bn and $667m respectively for violations that included sanction breaches with Iran and Sudan.

That same year, Dutch bank ING agreed to pay $619m to settle US government accusations that it conducted banned transactions involving Sudan and other countries.

In 2010, Wikileaks published secret US diplomatic cables that recounted conversations with the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, accusing President Omar al-Bashir of stashing up to $9bn in UK bank accounts.

“Ocampo reported Lloyds bank in London may be holding or knowledgeable of the whereabouts of his money,” a US official in the cable says. “Ocampo suggested exposing Bashir had illegal accounts would be enough to turn the Sudanese against him.”

Lloyds responded by saying it had no evidence of holding funds in Bashir’s name.

US probes

US authorities are also probing the French banks Societe Generale, BNP Paribas and Credit Agricole for alleged embezzlement and violation of sanctions against countries like Iran and Sudan, a source close to the matter said last week.

The European Union itself has no embargo against Sudan, whose government seized power 25 years ago in a coup.

But European banks with US branches or business “are closing any Sudanese accounts and won’t even process payments from Sudan”, the diplomat said.

This affects private and government transactions.

A local banker, who asked not to be identified, said that starting this month Saudi banks too had stopped dealing with the African nation.

Meanwhile in Khartoum, President Bashir met with opposition leader Hassan al-Turabi on Friday for the first time in 14 years as part of a political and economic “renaissance” the president announced in January.

Turabi was a key figure behind the 1989 coup which brought  Bashir to power but the two fell out leading to Turabi been dismissed from the ruling National Congress Party a decade after the coup.

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President orders release of political prisoners and easing of restrictions on parties to encourage national dialogue.

Beshir_Turabi

Sudan’s Bashir unveils political reforms

President orders release of political prisoners and easing of restrictions on parties to encourage national dialogue.
Sudanese President Omar al Bashir has ordered the release of political prisoners and easing of restrictions on political parties to “encourage success in a national dialogue”.
Speaking on Sunday evening at the opening session of talks aimed at national reconciliation, involving the leaders of more than 50 political parties, Bashir said he would also remove restrictions on the press and made a commitment to allow armed groups’ participation in the process.
“The aim behind the decisions is preparing the stage for dialogue between the political parties for reaching a comprehensive peace in Sudan,” Bashir said, according to state TV channel SUNA.
Bashir added he had “directed the authorities concerned in all the states and local governments across Sudan to allow the Sudanese parties to exercise their political activities inside and outside their headquarters without restrictions, within the parameters of the law”.
He said he had given orders to release all political prisoners “who have not committed criminal offences”.
The opposition Umma party leader Sadiq al Mahdi described the decisions as “compatible” with what his party had called for.
Meanwhile, the leader of the Popular Congress Party, Hassan al Turabi, called for seeking assistance from “impartial experts” to supervise the national dialogue ahead of the next general elections.
Critics have accused both al Mahdi and al Turabi of pretending to represent the opposition and of colluding with the ruling party to prolong Bashir’s stay in power.
Analysts also say Bashir’s political dialogue is just a way for the elite to hang on to power without properly addressing the country’s problems.
Security blocks meeting
A leading opposition party in Sudan on Monday accused security agents of preventing it from holding a discussion forum.
Agents also detained Emad Al-Dien Hashim, leader of the party’s student wing, the Reform Now party said in a statement, according to the AFP news agency.
Bashir’s ex-adviser Ghazi Salahuddin Atabani founded Reform Now in December after the ruling National Congress Party ousted him.
Reform Now said government security agents blocked two of its top leaders and others from entering Al-Ahlia University to attend the party forum, which was unable to take place.
Then they “attacked” and beat Hashim before taking him to an unknown location, the party alleged.
“This raises two possibilities: Either these security agents are working outside the president’s control, or they have an agenda against the dialogue,” the Reform Now statement said.
Opposition rejects offer
Other groups refused to take part in the “dialogue” until all their conditions are met.
The Sudanese opposition alliance, a coalition of 17 parties led by the Communist party, rejected Bashir’s offer to join “national dialogue”.
In a statement, the body said “since Bashir announced the idea in a speech on January 27, the ruling regime has not taken a single step to pave the way for holding a serious and effective dialogue”.
The alliance listed their demands; that all laws restricting public liberties should be repealed, internal conflicts should be ended and their humanitarian ramifications fully addressed.
The coalition also called for releasing all detainees convicted for their roles in politics.
The group has also demanded that Bashir’s government accept that the dialogue would lead to the formation of a full transitional government.
Source: Al Jazeera & Agencies
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