Communiqué of the Exploratory Meeting of Eritreans for Facilitating National Dialogue

Introduction An exploratory meeting of a group of concerned Eritrean academics and civic association leaders was held on August 16 and 17, 2013 at the Marriott Hotel (1700 Jefferson Davis Highway), in Arlington, Virginia. The purpose

Introduction

An exploratory meeting of a group of concerned Eritrean academics and civic association leaders was held on August 16 and 17, 2013 at the Marriott Hotel (1700 Jefferson Davis Highway), in Arlington, Virginia. The purpose of the meeting was underscored by the necessity and urgency to identify the major obstacles to consolidating the struggle against the Eritrean dictatorship, and to exchange views on the challenges that lie ahead pertaining to how to build a democratic order once the dictatorship is removed from power. Core to the meeting was how to ultimately bring the various political and civic forces in the Eritrean Diaspora together in a national conference to constructively formulate shared principles and objectives to further the cause of unity and chart a roadmap to achieve a democratic political system in the country. To be sure, the principal aim of the meeting was to explore ways of creating a platform where concerned Eritreans, regardless of their political affiliations, can engage in ongoing discussions aimed at removing the dictatorship from power as well as promoting democratic governance and informing policy that would reverse the ills that threaten the country. This communiqué highlights the objectives of the meeting, the most important issues discussed and some suggested future activities.


Issues Discussed in the Meeting

  1. 1.      State at Risk

The absence of a constitutional delineation between the identities, functions and responsibilities of the state and government in Eritrea was one of the central topics discussed in the meeting as hindering the evolution of our country towards a democratic state. As outlined by the participants, the state is the organic personification of society as a whole, embedding its highest values, ideals, and a set of constitutional institutions. A democratic state can be constitutionally structured as a unitary entity as in the United Kingdom or France where administrative powers are devolved to local, provincial or administrative units where they are best performed within the constitutional framework. Alternatively, a state may be federally organized as in Switzerland or Nigeria. However, core to the modern democratic state, regardless of its structural form, is the existence of an impermeable wall between the state and the government. Composed of functional bureaucracies, a government is simply an administrative machinery entrusted by the constitution to give concrete expression to the values and ideals of society by formulating and executing policies, programs, and strategies in ways that simultaneously promote the economic welfare, cultural development, and national security of society. But these core values can be realized only when there is an unambiguous separation of powers among the constitutional branches of government whose existence and legitimacy must be justified by their answerability to each other and, ultimately, to society.

 

The grim reality in Eritrea is that the state and government are one and the same. As a result, the indivisible fusion of state and government functions has transformed the political necessity of rule of law, transparency and accountability into perished commodities whereby the Eritrean state is on the verge of collapsing.  The most important lesson to internalize here is the simple fact that in many African countries the executive branch of government dominates the other organs of the state, there by weakening accountability of governments and producing autocratic heads of state. Our country, Eritrea, represents an extreme case of this phenomenon, in which the head of state has complete monopoly of power.   In the absence of any meaningful separation of powers between the executive (represented by the head of state) and the other organs of the state, personal rule supplants institutional governance.  It also makes autocratic governance unavoidable since the different organs of government do not have the power to demand accountability from the executive.  Under the circumstances the state and the regime become the same, where democratic governance becomes impossible.  The greatest risk, however, is that when the regime falls, and ultimately all regimes fall, the government as well as the state fall with the regime, since they are one and the same and there are no institutions to sustain the continuity of the state. The unfortunate result can be having a country without government and state ala Somalia. The absence of a united organization of opposition forces greatly accentuates the risk of state collapse when the regime falls.


2. National Unity at Risk

The exploratory meeting also reviewed the danger of how disintegration of the state can irreparably undermine the urgent task of nation-building.  Nation-building entails integrating the diverse groups of citizens under a shared system of institutions of governance to form a community of citizens. In the absence of constitutional rule guaranteeing legal equality and inclusive political representations of all segments of the population, different groups within the population begin to feel that the autocratic system of governance does not represent their interests or that it advances the particular interests of others at the expense of theirs. This perceived exceptional partiality of the state may or may not be real but any group that is not represented in the making of laws, and governance arrangements and policy can rightly feel aggrieved. All segments of the population may also feel aggrieved simultaneously. Such grievances, however, unless constructively channeled to the actual problems at hand, may lead to inter-identity acrimony, which destroys the bonds of national unity and defeats the solemn purpose of overthrowing the illegitimate regime. The strains of this sorry reality on national unity are abundantly evident in post-independence Eritrea. It is, indeed, imperative that all nationalists and leaders of diverse political and ethnic formations commit to defending our unity by tackling sectarian tendencies. The only endowment that those of us in the Eritrean Diaspora have is our underdog status, raising the banner of freedom and justice in opposition to the irredeemable dictatorship that has imposed itself upon our people in cold blood. However, raising the banner of freedom and justice alone by no means guarantees a democratic future. No revolutionary forces have ever raised the banner of freedom and justice higher than those contemporary forces in the Middle East; however, they have yet to effectively chart a democratic trajectory of governance. This is a very useful lesson for us. We sincerely believe that the true way forward is to create a united political movement steeped in a culture of tolerance and trust.

3.  Security of the Nation at Risk

The exploratory meeting reviewed in depth how poor governance has placed the security of Eritrea at potentially catastrophic risk. Three key components of poor governance have been identified and discussed in detail. One is the deprivation of the population of citizenship rights.  Citizenship is not merely about carrying an identity card.  Rather it is the right to participate in running the country’s affairs. One could hardly claim today that the Eritrean population has the right to participate in its governance.  All violations of human rights, including the exodus of the youth and the well documented long-term detentions without trial, the absence of a free press where people can express their views and provide input to policy are some of the most obvious indicators. It is clear to everyone that Eritrea has become a country of subjects and not citizens.

Another governance problem menacing the national security of our country is poor management of the national service. Frustrated by the open-ended character of the national service, young Eritreans have been abandoning their country in droves. As a result, Eritrea owns the dubious distinction of being the largest refugee-producer in the world on a per capita basis since the number of refugees has reached thousands in the past decade. Many of those choosing with their feet a life of refuge in foreign lands are by and large from the country’s military.  The national service program, purportedly having a potential to strengthen the country’s security, has become detrimental to national security due to poor management.
The economic stagnation prevailing in our country has also created another layer of tittering disaster. Eritrea now has the lowest per capita income in the Greater Horn of Africa, except for war-torn Somalia.  It is the most food insecure country in the region with the highest ratio of its population suffering from malnutrition. Amnesty International has noted that half of Eritrea’s population of five million suffers from stark poverty and malnutrition.

The dictatorship’s amateurish foreign policy has also weakened the country’s security.  Eritrea is today completely isolated in the international system and finds itself languishing under crushing sanctions.


4. Combating the “Culture of Fear”

The exploratory meeting took into earnest consideration the danger to our national cohesion posed by the corrosive culture of fear. What has been most remarkable about the Eritrean dictatorship is its ability not only to methodically and effectively create a general “culture of fear” among its citizens in the country, but also to intimidate the Diaspora community, including academics. The cultivation and maintenance of a “culture of fear” as a weapon of control was manipulatively devised during the armed struggle, but the PFDJ dictatorship has transform the technique into a reign of terror since independence.  This grim reality underscores the necessity to double our collective efforts to fight the “culture of fear” and create in its place a culture of openness, tolerance, constructive dialogue, critical thinking, mutual respect, and trust. A dialog that lacks civil discourse can only amount to mimicking the regime’s destructive and arrogant culture and, in the final analysis, will feed into paralyzing antipathy, cynicism, pessimism and mistrust. With the severely weakened sense of Eritrean unity and democratic culture, Somalia’s recent history is not a far-fetched scenario for Eritrea’s near future.

Who We are and Our Mission 

The aim of this concerned group is not to form a new political or civic organization. We are rather an ad hoc group that is motivated to facilitate dialogue among all Eritreans in general and among existing political and civic organizations in particular about the daunting challenges that our country is facing. Thus, our primary aim is to establish a conducive platform for democratic dialogue through organizing meetings, seminars, workshops, and conferences. In the meantime, this ad hoc group would continue to work with broad intellectual autonomy and shall remain wide open to the future expansion of its members.

The ad hoc group in its present structure will be called Eritreans for Facilitating National Dialogue, (EFND). Our aspirational objective is to gather all concerned Eritrean political organizations and civic associations in a national conference. Once adequate preparations and logistics are put in place, we will invite known compatriots who combine representation and expertise to make a series of presentations at the conference on the present reality in Eritrea and on the character of the transition to democracy once the dictatorship is removed from power. Following constructive deliberations of the proposals before it, we expect the conference to issue a declaration of principles and recommendations to which all political and civic organizations will commit themselves.

List of participants

Dr. Okbazghi Yohannes

Dr. Afeworki Paulos

Dr. Kidane Mengisteab

Dr. Ghirmai Negash

Dr. Mantai Mesmer

Dr. Yebio Woldemariam

Mr. Teklai Abraha

Mr. Tesfagiorgis Ghebreslassie

Dr. Angessom Atsbaha *

Mr. Amanuel Hidrat *

Mr. Tewolde Stephanos *

Three scholars requested their names not to be listed

Names with the sign * those who sent comments and suggestions to meeting.

 

October 4, 2013

መግለጺ ናይ ዳህሳሲ ኣኼባ ኤትራውያን ንምጥጣዕ ሃገራዊ ዘተ፤

መእተዊ፤

ግዱሳት ምሁራት ከምኡ’ውን መራሕቲ በርጌሳዊያን ማሕበራት ኤርትራዊያን ኣብ ኣርሊንግተን ቪርጂንያ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ ዝርከብ ማርዮት ሆቴል ካብ 16 ክሳብ 17 ነሓሰ 2013 ዳህሳሲ ኣኼባ ኣካይዶም። ቀንዲ ኣትኩሮ ናይ’ቲ ኣኼባ ኣንጻር ውልቀ-መላኺ ስርዓት ንዝግበር ዘሎ ቃልስን ዘጋጥሞ ዘሎ ዕንቅፋታትን፤ ከምኡ’ውን ዓማጺ ስርዓት ምስ ተኣልየ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ደሞክራሲ ብኸመይ ይትከል ኣብ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ፡ ሓሳብ ንሓሳብ ኢሂን-ምሂን ንምባል እዩ። ሓደ ካብ’ቶም ኣገደስቲ ነጥቢ-ዘተ፡ ኣብ ደገ ዘሎዋ ፓለቲካውያን ውድባትን በርጌሳውያን ማሕበራትን ብኸመይ ናብ ሓደ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ኣኪብካ ሓባራዊ ቃልሲ ንምድልዳልን ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ንምትካል ዘድሊ ሓባሪ ስእሊ ምድላውን እዩ። ዕላማ ናይ’ዚ ኣኼባ፡ ናይ ፓለቲካዊ ዝምባለ ወይ ኣባልነት ብዘየገድስ፡ ኤርትራውያን ብዛዕባ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ጸረ-ምልካዊ ቃልስን፡ ድሕሪ ውድቀት ውልቀ-መላኺ ስርዓት ከኣ ክትካእ ዘሎዎ ደሞክራሲያዊ ኣመሓዳድራን፤ ኣብ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ ኣራሚ ዝኸውን ስልትታት ዝድህሰሰሉ መንገዲ ምድላይ’ውን እዩ ነይሩ። እዛ መግለጺት እዚኣ እምበኣር ንትሕዝቶን ዕላማን ናይ ዝተዘተየሎም ዛዕባታትን ከምኡ’ውን ንመጻኣኢ ዝጥምት ንጥፈታትን ተብርህ እያ።

ዝተዘተየሎም ዛዕባታት፣

  1. ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣብ መንጎ ዝተፈላለዩ ሓላፍነታት ስራሕን፣ ኣብ መንጎ ደውላን (State) መንግስትን (Government) ቅዋማዊ ደረት ብዘይምህላው ሓደ ካብ’ቲ ዓንቃፊ ንደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ምዃኑ ኣኼበኛ ኣስተብሂሉ። ደውላ (state) ብሓፈሽኡ መሰረታዊ ነጸብራቕ ናይ ሕብረተ-ሰብ ምዃኑ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ልዑል ዕላማታትን ቅዋማዊ ትካላትን ዘንጸባርቕ ምዃኑ ኣኼበኛታት ተንቲኖም። ደሞክራሲያዊ ደውላ ብቕዋማዊ መንገዲ ዝተሰርዐ ዘይማኩል ሓድነታዊ  ቅርጺ ከም ዓባይ ብሪጣንያ ወይ ድማ ፈረንሳ ኮይኑ ኣመሓዳድራ ስልጣን ናብ ዞባውን ኣውራጃውን ምምሕዳር ተመቓቒሉ፤ ብላዕለዋይ ሃገራዊ ቅዋም ይካየድ። ወይ ድማ ደውላ ብፈደራላዊ መልክዕ ቆይሙ ከም ስዊዘርላንድ ወይ’ውን ናይጀርያ ክኸውን ይኽእል። ከም’ዚ ዓይነት ፍልልያት እኳ እንተሃለወ ሕመረት ናይ ዘመናዊ ደሞክራሲያዊ ደውላ ግን ቅርጹ ብዘየገድስ ደውላን መንግስትን ብዘይማትእ ፍሉይ ምስ ዝኸውን እዩ። መንግስቲ (government) ኣብ ቅዋም ዝተመርኮሰ ናይ ምምሕዳር  ቢሮክራሲያዊ ስራሓት ኮይኑ፡ ናይ ህዝቢ ድልየትን ዕላማን ዘንጸባርቕ፣ ስልትታትን መደባትን ኣብ ግብሪ ዘውዕል፣ ናይ ህዝቢ ቁጠባውን ባህላውን ምዕባለ ንቕድሚት ዝደፍእን ሃገራዊ ጸጥታ ዘረጋግጽን እዩ። እዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ልዑል ዕላማታት ኣብ ግብሪ ዝውዕል ግን ንጹር ዝኾነ ናይ ስልጣን ምክፍፋል ኣብ ናይ መንግስቲ ጨናፍር ምስ ዝህሉን፡ ኣብ ሕጋዊ   ተሓታትነት ዝተመርኮሰ ሕብረተ-ሰብ ምስ ዝኸውን እዩ። ኣብ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ደውላን (state) መንግስትን ( government) ሓደ ኮይኖም ይርከቡ። ካብ’ዚ ዝተበገሰ ድማ ስርዓተ-ሕጊ፣ ተሓታትነትን ግሉጽነትን ተነጺጉ፡ ደውላ ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣብ ገምገም ውድቀት ትርከብ። ሓደ ካብ’ቲ ክንመሃረሉ ዘሎና ኣብ ሓያሎ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ  ፈጻሚ ኣካል ዓብላሊ ተራ ብምሓዝን ተሐታትነት መንግስቲ ብምድኻምን ውልቃዊ መሪሕነት ደውላ ከም ዘምጽእ እዩ። ሃገርና ኤርትራ ኣብ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ ሕሉፍ ውልቃዊ ምልኪ መለለይኣ ኮይኑ፤ መራሕ ደውላ (state) ድማ ምሉእ ስልጣን ዝበሓተ ኮይኑ ይርከብ። ደረት ትካላት ስልጣን ምስ ዘይህሉ፡ ውልቃዊ ኣገዛዝኣ ንትካላዊ (Institutional) ስርዓት ኣገዛዝኣ ይትክኦ። ከም’ዚ ምስ ዝኸውን ድማ  ካብ’ቲ ዓብላሊ ኮይኑ ዘሎ ፈጻሚ ኣካል ተሓታትነት ምጥላብ ዘይግብራዊ ይኸውን።  ኣብ ከም’ዚ ኩነታት ደውላን መንግስትን ሓደ ኮይኑ ደሞክራሲያዊ ኣመሓዳድራ ዘይከኣል እዩ። እቲ ብዝያዳ ዘስግእ ግን መንግስቲ ምስ ዝወድቕ፡ ምውዳቑ ከኣ ስለ ዘይተርፍ፡ ደውላ ምስ’ቲ መንግስቲ ይወድቕ። ተካእቲ ናይ’ቲ ደውላ ትካላት (state institutions) ስለ ዘይህልዉ ከም’ዚ ሶማል ኮይናቶ ዘላ ናይ ስልጣን ህጓፍ ከስዕብ ይኽእል። ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ርእሲ እዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ዝሰመረ ተቛዋሚ ሓይሊ ብዘይምህላዉ ነቲ ስግኣት ብዝያዳ ኣጒሊሕዎ ድማ ይረአ።

 

  1. ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ኣብ ሓደጋ፡-

ኣኼበኛታት ውድቀት ናይ ደውላ ኣብ ምህናጽ ሃገር (nation building) ሓደገኛ ሳዕቤን ከም ዘምጽእ ዘትዮም። ሃገር ተሃኒጻ ክትባሃል፡ ትካላት መንግስቲ ተቓድዮም፡ ንብዙሕነት ሕብረተ-ሰብ ዘወሃህዱ ምስ ዝኾኑ እዩ። ኣብ ቅዋማዊ ስርዓትን ግዝኣተ- ሕግን ዝጎደሎ ኩነታት ግን፡ ሓያሎ ወገናት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነዚ ብዓመጽ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ናቶም ጠቕምን ረብሓን ከምዘይሕሉ ጌሮም ይወስድዎ። ወይ ድማ ናይ ሓደ ዝተፈልየ ወገን ረብሓ ከም ዝሕሉ ገይሮም ይወስድዎ። ከም’ዚ ዓይነት ኣተሓሳስባ ግን ዋላ ምሉእ-ብምሉኡ ኣብ ክዉን ኩነታት ዝተመርኮሰ እንተዘይኮነ ሓደ ሸነኽ/ወገን ኣብ ጉዳይ ሃገሩ ምሉእ ውክልናን ተሳታፍነትን ምስ ዝንፈጎ ከም’ዚ ዓይነት ዝምባሌ ምህላዉ ዘገርም ኣይኮነን። ኩሉ ሸነኻት ኤርትራ ምናልባት ብሓደ ግዜ ቁጠዐኡ ኣየርእን ይኸውን። እዚ ጉዳይ ብግቡእ እንተ ዘይተኣልዩ ግን፡ ናይ ሕድሕድ ምጽባእን ጠቐነን ኣኸቲሉ ንሃገራዊ ሓድነት ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘውድቕ እዩ። ነዚ ሕገ-ኣልቦ ዝኾነ ገዛኢ ስርዓት ንምቕያር ከኣ ዓንቃፊ ክኸውን እዩ። ኤርትራ ነጻነት ድሕሪ ምርካባ፡ ንሃገራዊ ሓድነት ዘስግኡ ምልክታት ክራኣዩ ጸኒሖም ኣሎዉ። ኩሎም ሃገራውያንን መራሕቲ ዝተፈላለዩ ወገናትን ፤ እዚ ጉዳይ ብግቡእ ክእለን ሓድነትና ክሕሎን ጽዑቕ ጎስጓሳት ምግባር ከድልዮም እዩ። ኣብ ዲያስፖራ ዘሎና ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሕን ነጻነትን ኣንጻር እዚ ኣረመኔ ውልቀ-መላኺ ስርዓት ጠጠው ኢልና ኢና። ኣብ ደገ ኴንካ ጭርሖ ነጻነትን ፍትሕን መጎተን ምልዓል ግን ደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ ንምምጻእ ኣኻሊ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ እንተ ረኤና ጭርሖታት ነጻነትን ፍትሕን ተቓሊሖም እዮም። ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ተኺሎም ኢልካ ምዝራብ ግን ኣይከኣልን። እዚ ሓደ ካብ’ቲ ክንመሃረሉ ዘሎና ተመኩሮ ይኸውን። ንቕድሚት ከሰጉመና ዝኽእል ኣብ ምጽውዋርን ምትእምማንን ዝተመርኮሰ ሓባራዊ ሓዘል ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓስ ምስ እነረጋግጽ እዩ።

 

  1. ሃገራዊ ጸጥታ ኣብ ሓደጋ፤

ኣኼበኛ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብድኹም ኣመሓዳድራ ምኽንያት ሃገራዊ ጸጥታ ኣብ ሓደጋ ተሳጢሑ ከም ዘሎ ተገንዚቡ። ድኽመት ኣመሓዳድራ ሰለስተ ኣብነታት ብምጥቃስ ብዝርዝር ዘትዩሉ። እቲ ቀዳማይ ረቛሒ መሰል ዜጋ ዘይምህላዉ እዩ። ዜግነት ክበሃል እንከሎ ናይ መንነት ወረቐት ምሓዝ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን። ዜጋ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሃገሩ ምስ ዝዋሳእ እዩ። ኣብ’ዚ እዋን እዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ውሳኔታት ጉዳይ ሃገሩ ተኻፋሊ ኣይኮነን ዘሎ። መንእሰይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላቱ ስለ ዝተጋህሰ ብዋሕዚ ይስደድ ኣሎ። ዜጋታት ብዘይ ፍርዲ ንነዊሕ ግዜ ኣብ ማሕዩር ይዳጎኑ። ህዝቢ ሓሳቡ ከይገልጽ ኣፉ ተሎጒሙ፡ ነጻ ፕረስ የሎን። እዚኦም ከም ኣብነት ክጥቀሱ ዝኽእሉ እዮም። ኣብ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ ኤርትራ ናይ ገዛእታ ዳኣ እምበር ሃገር ናይ ዜጋታታ ኣይኮነትን።

እቲ ካልእ ሽግር ናይ ኣመሓዳድራ ድማ ድኹም ኣታኣላልያ ናይ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት እዩ።  መንእሰያት ኤርትራ በቲ ገደብ ዘየብሉ ኣተኣላልያ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ተበሳጭዮም ብብዝሒ ሃገር ራሕሪሖም ንስደት ይጓዓዙ ኣሎው። ብመዐቀነ-ሚእታዊት ፡ ኤርትራ ዝለዓለ ቁጽሪ ስደተኛታት ዝወጹዋ ሃገር እያ። ኣብ ዝሓለፉ ዓሰርተ ዓመታት ብኣሽሓት ዝቑጸሩ ኤርትራውያን ናብ ስደት ኣምሪሖም ኣሎዉ። ብዙሓት ካብዚኣቶም ወታሃደራዊ ኣገልግሎት ገዲፎም ዝወጹ እዮም። ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ከም መደብ ጸጥታ ሃገር ከደልድል ዝግብኦ ዝነበረ ጸረ-ሃገራዊ ጸጥታ ኮይኑ ይርከብ ኣሎ።

ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ቁጠባዊ ዝሕተላ እውን ሓደ ካብ’ቲ ስግኣት ዝፈጥር ኩነታት እዩ። ኤርትራ ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ብዘይካ ሶማልያ ዝተሓተ ፐርካፒታ ዘሎዋ ኮይና ሕጽረት መግቢ’ውን ጎሊሑ ዝረኣየላ ሃገር እያ። ኣብ ኢርትራ ዝኣክል መኣዛ ዘሎዎ መግቢ ዘይረክብ ቁጽሪ ህዝቢ ውሑድ ከም ዘይኮነ ኣምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል ይሕብር።

ውልቀ-መላኺ ስርዓት ተልመደናዊ (Amateurish) ናይ ወጻኢ ኣቛም (Foreign policy) ብምኽታል ንሃገራዊ ጸጥታ ኣዳኺሙ ኤርትራ ካብ ሕብረተ-ሰብ ዓለም ተነጺላ ኣደዳ ማዕቀብ ኮይና ትርከብ።

 

  1. ምምካት ናይ ፍርሒ ባህሊ፤

ኣኼበኛ ብዛዕባ ምትእትታው ናይ ፍርሒ ባህልን፡ ኣብ ሃገራዊ ጥምረትን ምውህሃድን ዘስዕቦም ጉዳኣታትን ኣትኲሩ ዘትዩ።  ሓደ ካብ’ቲ ዘገርም ነገራት ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ናይ ፍርሒ ባህሊ ብምፍጣር ህዝቢ ዝጉዕጸጸሉ መሳርሒ ገይሩዎ ኣሎ። ኣብ ስደት (Diaspora) ዘሎው ኤርትራውያን ከይተረፉ ፍርሒ ውሒጥዎም ይርከቡ። ዋላ እቲ ምሁር ኣካል እውን ካብ ናይ ፍርሒ ባህሊ ነጻ ኣይኮነን። ምዕባለ ናይ ፍርሒ ባህሊ ካብ ገድሊ ጀሚሩ ከም መሳርሒ ክኸውን ዝጸንሐ ኮይኑ፡ ድሕሪ ነጻነት ህግደፍ ናብ  መድረኽ ራዕዲ ኣደይብዎ። ነዚ ኩነታት’ዚ ምቕያር ናይ ሓባር ቃልሲ ምክያድ ከድሊ እዩ። ናይ ፍርሒ ባህሊ ብግሉጽነት፣ ተጻዋርነት፣ ጠቓሚ ዘተ፣ ንጹር ኣተሓሳስባ፣ ምትእምማንን ናይ ሓባራዊ ምክብባርን ባህሊ ምትካእ የድሊ። ዘተ ምክብባር ዝጎደሎ ዝርርብ ምስ ዝኸውን ካብ’ቲ ናይ’ቲ ዓማጺ መንግስቲ ዘይእዱብ ጠባያት ብዙሕ ዝፍለ ኣይከውንን። ብማህሰይቲ ሃገራዊ ሓድነትን ደሞክራሲያዊ ባህልን፡ ሃገርና ናብ ሶማልያ ዘላቶ ኩነታት ትዝምብል ኣላ እንተተባህለ ምግናን ኣይኮነን።

ዕላማ ኣኼበኛታት፤

ዝኣከበና ዕላማ ሓድሽ ፓለቲካዊ ወይ ድማ በርጌሳዊ ማሕበር ንምቛም ኣይኮነን። ንሕና ከም ግዝያዊ ጉጅለ (Adhoc Group) ዝተኣኻኸብና፡ ብሓፈሽኡ ሃገራዊ ዘተ ዝጥጥዓሉ መንገዲ ንምድላይ ብፍላይ ድማ ሃገርና ካብ’ዚ ኣንጸላልዩዋ ዘሎ ህሞት ክትወጽኣሉ እትኽእል ሓባራዊ ዘተ ናይ ፖለቲካውን በርጌሳውን ማሕበራት ንምድላው ዝሃቀነ እዩ። ቀንዲ ዕላማና እምበኣርከስ ኣኼባታት፣ ሰሚናራትን ዋዕላን ብምክያድ ጥጡሕ ዝኾነ ናይ ደሞክራሲያዊ ዘተ መድረኽ ምድላው እዩ። ጉጅለና ነጻ ዝኾነ ኣታሓሳስባ መስመር ሒዙ ክጓዓዝ እዩ። ከምኡ’ውን ቁጽሪ ኣባልነትና ንኽስስን  ክፉት ዕድል ክህሉ   ውሲኑ።

ኣዚ ግዝያዊ ጉጅለ (Adhoc Group) በዚ ሕጂ ዘሎዎ ቅርጺ “ኤርትራውያን ንምጥጣዕ ሃገራዊ ዘተ” ተባሂሉ ይጽዋዕ። እንብህጎ ዕላማ ንኹሎም ግዱሳት ኤርትራውያን ዝሓቁፍ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ንምግባር እዩ። ዝኣክል ምቅርራብ ምስ ተገብረ፡ ልሉያትን ኪኢላታትን ደቂ-ሃገር ዓዲምካ፡ ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ኩነታት ሃገርን መንገዲ ለውጥን፤ ንመጻኢ ቅርጺ ደሞክራሲ ኤርትራ ዝሕግዝ መደረታትን ምቕራብ እዩ። ኣብ ጉዕዞ ብዛዕባ እቶም ዝቐረቡ ሓሳባት  ሰፊሕ ክታዓት  ድሕሪ ምክያድ፡ ኩሎም ተሳተፍቲ ፖለቲካውያን ውድባትን በርጌሳዊ ማሕበራትን ዝተሰማምዑሉን ዝተቐበሉዎን መትከላትን ለበዋታትን ሓዘል ኣዋጅ ይወጽእ።

ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ፤

ዾክ፡ ዑቝባዝጊ ዮውሃንስ

ዾክ፡ ኣፈወርቂ ጳውሎስ

ዶክ፡ ኪዳነ መንግስታኣብ

ዶክ፡ ግርማይ ነጋሽ

ዾክ፡ መንታይ መስመር

ዾክ፡ ዮዕብዮ ወልደማርያም

ኣቶ፡ ተኽላይ ኣብራሃ

ኣቶ፡ ተስፋጊዮርጊስ ገብረስላሴ

ዾክ፡ ኣንገሶም ኣጽባሃ**

ኣቶ፡ ኣማኒኤል ሕድራት**

ኣቶ፡ ተወልደ እስቲፋኖስ**

ሰለስተ ኣስማቶም ክጥቀስ ዘይደለዩ ምሁራት ኤርትራውያንን

ኣብ ጎድኒ ኣስማቶም ** ምልክት ዘሎዎም ሓሳብን ርእይቶን ንኣኼባ ብጽሑፍ ዝሰደዱ እዮም።

 

4 ጥቅምቲ 2013

aseye.asena@gmail.com

Review overview
8 COMMENTS
  • Gual Eritrea October 4, 2013

    Dear Organizers,

    I commend you for your initiative to breathe life in the ailing Eritrea movement for change and am hopeful that this is the beginning of something substantial and sustainable. But am afraid you fell short of your goals in many respects:
    (1) Your meeting did not include a single woman. I know there are numerous Eritrean female intellectuals in diaspora, as qualified as the gentlemen invited to the important meeting. Eritrean women not only represent over a half of the population , but also constitute one of the main driving forces that brought about Eritrean independence.
    (2) It’s not only the women you neglected, you also failed to recruit representative of the “other” Eritrean ethnic or religious groups.
    (3) The meeting was not as secret after all as some of us know who the other three attends were. Importantly, if one of the aims is to “combat fear” , why would the three attends chose to stay anonymous?

    In any event, it is with a heavy heart that I say your meeting appears put-together haphazardly and one is hard pressed to take it seriously. This is especially surprising since most of the participants are intellectuals and seasoned professionals.

    Gual Eritrea

    • mehari October 5, 2013

      it is hard to include every one in the beginging of any organization. you diversivy thing in the process. i don’t think they have any malicious intent. it is a good start. above all they didn’t said it is a political party or group. you always start with people who know eachother. I would be skeptical if they say in their Communiqué they do not want to include women and other groups of the society. they have taken the initiative they should be commended.

  • Raul October 4, 2013

    i do not hate this initiative. it looks good. but where is the time frame? the A B C of the program? this is what we are lacking, i think. when is the tentative work plan?

  • rezen October 4, 2013

    Honest wishful comment
    I did not read the content of the “communique” — only the sub-titles and the breath-taking extraordinary list of personalities. I honestly wish the group all the success in the world and may spiritual hand be with their noble undertakings.They need it.

  • ERITRAWIT October 4, 2013

    Yes i think it is very good idea our educated people to come together to think what should be done how Eritrean problem can be fix after one man rule there will be a lot of work but i’m sure DEKI HAGER CAN FIX IT THANK U GOOD LUCK.

  • Tuka October 4, 2013

    This is a well discussed and thought after opinions, suggestions and a road map for “firefighters” before Eritrea is engulfed in fire and collapses as a nation state.
    This dialogue may help Eritrea to avoid revisiting the road that Somalia and Yemen are going through which Eritrea is facing from the valleys of death.
    Seeing Eritrea dying slowly and Eritreans dying everywhere as the multiple tragedies, we just witnessed at the high seas and the desert, this is unique and an important communique.
    If Eritreans don’t want to heed to this warning now, it will be late to save anything in Eritrea when the fire-alarm starts to ring.
    The authors wrote, “Thus, our primary aim is to establish a conducive platform for democratic dialogue through organizing meetings, seminars, workshops, and conferences. In the meantime, this ad hoc group would continue to work with broad intellectual autonomy and shall remain wide open to the future expansion of its members.”

  • Kalighe October 5, 2013

    Better late than never. The PFDJ is a huge bomb that has started putting at risk the very existense of Eritrea. There is no time to waste. Some thing has to be done before, things go out of control.
    A devil is dismantling a country while many who could do something are silent. Unless defused with atmost urgency the bomb is about to explode, so don’t waste time even a second.

  • Kalighe October 6, 2013

    “All segments of the population may also feel aggrieved simultaneously. Such grievances, however, unless constructively channeled to the actual problems at hand, may lead to inter-identity acrimony, which destroys the bonds of national unity and defeats the solemn purpose of overthrowing the illegitimate regime. ”

    Dear Concerned Eritreans,

    As long as the illegal regime is in power, what you call “inter-identity acrimony”, which is already there, will keep growing with time. Those who say “the devil you know is better” and prefer to keep silent because they are not happy with ethnic and religion based politics of some groups, will realize, when it’s too late, that this attitude is wrong and is just causing more damage. The dictator has created a situation where this type of politics is the norm. And it’s purposely on its agenda for some time. You better accept the new Eritrean reality, no matter how disagreeable you may find it, and start helping to solve the problems by talking to the victims. No amount of political maneuvering will change the reality on the ground, unless all sides feel you are inclusive, impartial and you have the interest of all Eritreans at heart.

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