Part two

Medrek’s wrong premises:

leading to resuscitation of the politically dangerous wudbetaat.

I wrote an article- entitled ‘Today”s struggle and Post-dictator Eritrea- much safer without the current wudbetaat’- last week, which was posted on assenna’s website on Dec. 4; the first part was on Medrek’s resuscitation of the politically dangerous wudbetaat.

Today’s article is over Medrek’s hollow slogan- but quite painful to hear-, and Medrek’s wrong premises- all leading to a destructive role or to a dangerous resuscitation of the politically dangerous wudbetaat. I will start, however, with Medrek’s rights, which are many, versus the no right of Medrek to pursue a destructive role of resuscitation. Medrek has the right to pursue a selective selection of persons, prior becoming members of Medrek;  Medrek or its member(s) has right not to be a member of delyti fithi in Belgium; Medrek has also a right to dissociate itself from initiatives- like what Medrek did with wedi vacario’s, and few others; it has right to raise funds from foreign sources, and to meet with groups of its choice, provided it has no negative outcome, etc. ( I can list its other rights , but it has no right in a case, which I will deal with in the following paragraph.)

The same Medrek has no right to pursue a facilitating role, whose outcome is destructive. In fact the “right” to pursue it is denied or halted during the planning or before the implementing stage, once there is realization of a disastrous effect at any time in the future. Proceeding with it is tantamount to a misuse; it reflects badly on the actors on one hand, and others- say, a nation and its people- will suffer as a consequence of that judgement and its implementation on the other hand. Medrek has no right to pursue its resuscitation of the extremely politically dangerous wudbetaat; the resuscitation leads to an ineffective opposition, and it dangers post-dictator Eritrea, which will have more than its share of problems for many reasons. ( A facilitating role sounds generally very helpful and constructive; but Medrek’s role is not one of them; it is a destructive role by all account, and it doesn’t hence deserve even the benefit of the doubt. And that is why it shouldn’t, according to me, be allowed to proceed any further.)

Medrek or the leading members- I will mention no names in my articles- have pointed out some justification for Medrek’s recent moves; but the justifications are regrettably groundless or are based on misguided premises. The wrong justifications are currently serving as the push factor to proceed with other plans- which are highlighted by Medrek chiefs in the many interviews; the misguided premises has blindfolded Medrek from thinking clearly and from being conscious of the reality- the built-in destructive role of the wudbetaat, to mention one-, and from opting to a better alternative- in line, say, to the aspirations of the many thousands of Eritreans, who demonstrated in Geneva only few months ago. ( I can’t comprehend the background to the wrong premises or to Medrek’s preference to shrug off the reality on the ground- while Medrek must have had the advantage of being a late comer to the opposition; I wonder sometimes whether or not Medrek has other so far unexplained motives or pressures to what it is doing, including inviting the wrong wudbetaat; the choice of avenue of the meeting was equally disastrously wrong- an issue which Adhanom Fitiwi did write about beautifully, and it was posted on assenna website on Dec 4.)

Medrek’s justification is based on its (wrong) belief that a) the many divided wudbetaat are the source of weak opposition, and a) a consent by wudbetaat on what it calls the minimum program will trigger an effective opposition. To start with the latter, I don’t understand what Medrek is talking about; there is nothing what should be referred as a minimum package. There is one aim in this current struggle, and that one aim is to weaken the dictatorial government as soon as possible, and to contribute to the creation of a democratic transition in post-dictator Eritrea; there is no other aim- and that excludes the existence of any other aim(s); there is one fundamental goal at this stage of the struggle;  the interest to create parties, the hip hoping for  the incorporation of federal system in the drafts, etc- have to wait until circumstances in post-dictator Eritrea permits. In any case, one aim is 1 aim, and that is the minimum and the maximum-  without any number in between. (I can’t really understand why the group can’t understand in the year 2015 that there is nothing what they call minimum. Medrek’s stress on minimum package is further blurring the aim of the struggle, and it reinforces dysfunctionality among wudbetaat, civil societies, etc; it assists the wudbetaat to continue with their messy mess- instead of forcing them to come to their political senses.)

As far as medrek’s view on wudbetaat is concerned, it is another wrong premise. The wudbetaat were regarded as important players until 2009-12- during which many of us had hoped that they will shrink to one movement, and that the opposition will at long last be guided with one aim- only one- in mind. But the wudbetaat have lost their credibility since then- and what happened after 2012-13 did lead many to consider them as illegal and dangerous entities. ( i can’t comprehend- one of the many- why Medrek thinks that the wudbetaat are still important players, while a) they are source of all bads and major contributors to the political sickness within the opposition, and b) they shouldn’t in principle exist. I can’t understand why Medrek is  interested to resuscitate the wudbetaat, while shunning and declaring them illegal is in the interest of present struggle and more importantly in the interest of post-dictator Eritrea.)

One of Medrek’s justification for organizing the meeting is the urgency to save and to safeguard the sovereignty of the nation in close cooperation with wudbetaat- that flocked to Kenya with aim to be resuscitated than anything else. The intent to save the nation is understandably appreciable; even many outside the opposition camp are silently voicing their concern, and wish to see the nation saved as soon as possible. But such statement of intent is increasingly becoming hollow, empty one, and it is serving as an introductory statement during the interview, and the opening speeches. We have heard the same statement a number of times; it was said nth time by the wudbetaat- while unable to put their houses in order-, and others, like the commission of 2011;  I remember the many conferences, which stressed on the urgency a) to save the nation before it slides into a chaotic state, and b) for individuals and groups within the opposition to play their share to prevent the slide. ( The statement is gradually becoming boring, and Medrek’s statement is not only unconvincing, but it is particularly painful to hear-  considering that some people within Medrek and outside it had served the dictator as his instrumental, useful idiots during 1994 till 2001, and beyond..)

It is not too late for Medrek to reconsider its moves, instead of pursuing a destructive role of resuscitating the political dangerous wudbetaat. The wudbetaat must be shunned, and incapacitated, before their disruptive expertise reaches the shores of post-dictator Eritrea.

Solomon in Belgium