The WEYANE SYNDROME II
The WEYANE SYNDROME II By Fetsum Abraham//4/1/2013 HERE AND THERE FROM THE FORUM A modest and Kool dude called Johnah impacts the forum stating that; “The sooner we accept issias for what he is a bad eritrean leader and
The WEYANE SYNDROME II
By Fetsum Abraham//4/1/2013
HERE AND THERE FROM THE FORUM
A modest and Kool dude called Johnah impacts the forum stating that;
“The sooner we accept issias for what he is a bad eritrean leader and mis-management is setting us back we can start looking how to get rid of him and his policies. You see for me it doesn’t matter if Issias was born in Sudan or Ethiopia.. for 30+ years most Eritrean saw him as an Eritrean hero because he played a role in independence of Eritrea.
I don’t hate Issias. I don’t like his policies and decision he is making for Eritrea.
But at the end of the day, he is as Eritrean as Petros Solomon or Wedi Ali. Just like Menguistu is as Ethiopian as Meles or Haile Selaasie. I think all this talk of his Eritreaness are just distraction. It is like when you are taking a penalty kick in soccer game and focusing on putting ball into net and you team member keeps reminding or goes out his way to tell you to be careful the ball was made in China?”
Johnah logically challenges “Truly” on the same matter stating that, “you make my point for me better than I can… “Issias is evil therefore he can’t be Eritrean”. “Issias has no means have a single drop of Eritrean blood” So, what? He hates Eritrean? But up 2000, you couldn’t find a single eritrean to say anything negative about the man nor question is eritreanness. He was a national hero who was part of movement that liberated the country and now you say he hates eritrean and he is not an Eritrean .. If he hates Eritrean wouldn’t he have just left meada in 30 years and went to Sudan and go to Europe or America and have simple refugee life.”
Comment: I thank you all for communicating your opinions and specially Johnah for directing people to focus on the main agenda rather than wasting time and energy on something insignificant like the origin of the president. What Johnah is teaching us is that the concept of Eritreaness is a function of outlook and practical experience rather than bloodline. He is telling us to stay consistent and face reality as it reveals itself through time and experience.
I am 100% in harmony with the teacher because I cannot take away Afwerki’s extraordinary contribution to the struggle just because he failed to run an obedient society after independence without being a hypocrite. To me, he is an Eritrean iconic leader that directed our struggle to success but unfortunately ended up becoming the worst dictator on earth after independence.
Inconsistency is the mother of hypocrisy: You cannot be just and astute if you lose your balance through bias and contradiction. Reality does not flip-flop; it stays unconditionally intact forever.
Introduction: In the previous article, I discussed the brief history of the Weyane leaders and their current situation where they are individually trying to survive the overall situation rather than to dictate today’s Ethiopian political terms. To my judgment, the internal scuffle for the most part appears most likely on the fate of the businesses owned by the TPLF and material resources or wealth accumulated through the years under the command of its leaders.
One of the most significant developments this year happened in recent TPLF conference, where “Veteran leaders of the TPLF, Seyoum Mesfin, Berhan G/kirstos, Arkebe Equbay and Zeray Asgedom have resigned and will be replaced in the TPLF CC as part of the ongoing process to renew the TPLF leadership by newcomers.” What effect this may have on Sebhat Nega’s attempt to come back to power with these individuals in mind (within TPLF) while still antagonized by the Seeye/Gebru sect is yet to be seen. This development, nevertheless, leaves the Azeb clique that includes Bereket Simon from without and General Samora from within as the most dominant group in today’s TPLF. It may also gives new Tigrean politicians within the front a chance to implement their agendas more effectively.
My subjective reality
In so far as my understanding till this point is concerned, power has slipped away from the hands of the Weyanes after the death of Meles. Although TPLF veterans know they can’t win individual fights, that they must remain loyal to each other and fight any potential threat together, their internal conflict is too deep rooted for them to unite, needless to state that the Tigrean people are too tired of conflicts and inconsistencies to follow anyone that takes them to war any longer. I do not think it is possible to form an army that represents the Tigreans alone and there is no justification for it.
In short, there is no justified cause for the Tigrean people to be agitated for war like during the era of struggle that motivated them to fight for “Tigrean Independence” (though it took a sharp turn at the end of the process). The people have gone through the highest level of nationalism and unity during that time that they cannot re-experience an emotion as intense, especially in the absence of a CAUSE. “Abai-Tigrai” may then be the only motivating theory left for them if it ever matters as in the past but this dream has been shattered as a matter of time and experience, needless to state that it cannot be practical without the consent of Eritreans and all other Ethiopians; yet of the Tigrean people as well. This means the theory cannot be reduced to practice by force and thus; one should leave it alone and move on.
How then would the veteran leaders face the new Ethiopian political dynamics with all the problems TPLF has been going before and after Meles?
This takes us to Addis. Hailemariam Dessalegn is now the executive leader of the country and the Chair of the single party (EPRDF composed of organizations representing the Oromos, Amharas and Tigreans), and therefore also heads the TPLF, the army and the security services. In this capacity, he has all the power inherited from Meles Zenawi behind the support of the international community, specially the US.
The scattered TPLF elements cannot, thus challenge him specifically with the army conditioned to stay out of politics; only set to react upon the sole decision and direction of the Central Committee headed by the Prime Minister. Hailemarianm Dessalegn indeed has the time to carefully accentuate his own position with insignificant resistance from the party. There is no single figure popular and strong enough to antagonize his administration in the near future.
In Ethiopia’s PM adds two deputies in cabinet reshuffle, Thu, 29 Nov 2012, Reuters
Reports that the “- Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn had appointed Communications and Information Technology Minister Debretsion Gebremichael[Tigrean] and newly-appointed Civil Service Minister Muktar Kedir[Oromo] as deputy prime ministers, joining existing deputy Demeke Mekonnen [Amara]. It is the first time the Horn of Africa country has had three deputy leaders.”
With this arrangement, chances are it is impossible for any Tigrean group or personality to dominate the current Ethiopian politics any more, although Debretsion Gebremichael has at least a 33% chance of replacing the current prime minister like each of the other two politicians in the same position in case something necessitates change ahead. He cannot, however, resurrect the TPLF from its graveyard even if he becomes the Prime Minister of the country eventually (though unlikely because the other two deputy prime ministers from central and south Ethiopia posses 66% of the chance to hold the spot collectively).
One can then safely conclude that the Ethio-Eritrean socio-political relationship in view of our neighbor can no longer be maneuvered by Tigreans but only by the composite voice of politicians under the central government of Ethiopia.
Apparently, the WEYANEs only exist in psychological gesture in the mind of some Eritreans, not in today’s East African political reality. In so stating, I do believe the Tigreans are our natural allies who fought with us during the struggle. No other group in Ethiopia ever consistently supported the Ertitrean independence as the Tigreans did. Our independence was actualized because of their support similar to their success was orchestrated with our support. Yet, the TPLF has never reversed its position on Eritrea even during the war on Badme. I condemned the massive deportation of Eritrean-Ethiopians from the country during the war: it was inhuman and savage, something provoked and enforced by the anti-Eritrean clique (Seeye, Gebru, etc) that took maximum advantage of Meles’s partially Eritrean roots.
I also condemn our government for initiating the war in Badme and far beyond because it could have stopped it had it gone for peaceful resolution of the conflict. It abandoned the Amiches by disregarding their situation when it ignited the war and resisted international pressure for peaceful withdrawal from Badme. The deportees could not stay at home because of the government’s insensitive approach that denied them settlement in the vast lands of unused Eritrean lands. They lost everything they had in Ethiopia and rendered homeless by the regime for them to scavenge better survival elsewhere as refugees. The government of Eritrea in reality inflicted equal damage at minimum to that sect of our society in my opinion.
Further, TPLF’s wrong action against our people and its said attempt to capture Assab during the war by no means justify the theory that it went for re-annexing Eritrea back to Ethiopia because we fought a war and they did what they had to do like we did what we had to do to achieve their goals, whatever way the result went immaterial. Whether they had the intention to invade Assab or remain in Assab had the Ethiopian army succeeded in capturing it is something they only know for sure but I believe we would have dislodged them by force behind international support had that been the case and they know this very well. The whole world knows what Eritreans can do to their enemies under the principle of a CAUSE and no crazy Ethiopian government will ever try to mess with us if we get our house straight and create a lawful society that focuses on education, technology, business economy and peace.
The fact remains that we are destined to remain socially and geographically connected with the Ethiopians including the Tigreans and our eventual cooperation as different nations is not only possible but also unavoidable for both of us. Therefore, we need to move on forward towards peaceful coexistence rather than destroying each other because we cannot let the grudge fade away from out memories. We need to learn from that crisis, make sure it would not take place any more and proceed. The entire East African community will fail when one of us fails and the Eritreans cannot continue focusing on the Weyanes because our destiny does not depend on any external force but rather on our unity and democratic freedom in our country. We need to resist the Afwerki’s means of survival by psychological manipulation based on the fallacious theory that the TPLF was THE ERITREAN SOCIETY’S CENTER OF EXISTENCE.
See you in my last follow up on this topic